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ACCOUNTS OF THE CHARGE ETC

4th Light Dragoons

[PB 31.12.2017: CHECK whether there are more 4LD accounts on the FULL_TEXTS database that have not been entered here. (I may have added some after I sent Wendy the batch that formed the basis for this page of accounts.)

I searched for "4th Light Dragoons" and found 106 records. I started checking BACK from record 106 and got as far as the 90th record = 769.

CARRY ON THIS GOOD WORK.

NB: There is MUCH more than just accounts of the Charge below. Some accounts are duplicated, and for various reasons - e.g. different transcriptions from various sources, or because the affidavits were taken from e.g. one man, but confirmed by others - and these others have also been credited with them.

ACCOUNTS FOR WENDY 4th LIGHT DRAGOONS 11aug2017.doc

The first number is my Database record number

13 ADLINGTON, Lt. H. S., 4th Light Dragoons, Letters.

Lately (1959) in the possession of Col. R S Broke, OBE, MC. [Margrave lists]

776 ARMES

SEE/TRANSCRIBE the article IN EJBA 4H file vol 3 -

Quite detailed

Some particular details concerning the early career of our departed fellow citizens will, we are sure, be read with interest. Mr. T.F. Armes was one of the six worthy sons of the Mr. Armes who for many years carried on the business of a leather cutter in Dove Lane.

Our hero was at the customary age apprenticed to a trade, but, fired with the spirit of adventure which has animated many Norfolk men, he quitted Norwich before finishing his period of servitude, and after a brief stay in London went to sea and visited distant lands.

Besides being a very creditable musician, Mr. Armes imbibed a love for art, and some of the rugged [scenes?] he saw in those early travels were so impressed upon his memory that he was able of late years to depict them with such fidelity on canvas as to be directly recognisable by those who had travelled over the same ground.

In 1852[?] Mr Armes, then twenty-one years of age, returned to Norwich, where the 4th Light Dragoons were then quartered, and enlisted into that regiment.

During the following year the Eastern Question entered upon a phase which culminated in war with Russia. In July, 1854, the 4th Light Dragoons were ordered for active service in the East, and they progressed from Devonport on board the Simla to Varna. From Varna the English flotilla sailed to the Crimea, and the English force was landed on the western coast of that peninsula. Mr. Armes...

FINISH OFF...

62 BAGSHAW, James

Check against Crider p.34.

Thomas Lucas, formerly Private 4th Light Dragoons, said: . . . . was taken prisoner. On that evening General Liprandi sent for some of the prisoners including myself and asked several questions about our position and amongst other questions he asked "Who was the General that went back on the Chestnut Horse with white heels?" and he was told it was Lord Cardigan. He then remarked he was lucky to get back as the Russians had chased him as closely as they could. . .

Thomas King, Private D Troop, 4th Hussars, and James Bagshaw, Private in the same Troop, confirmed this evidence. CHECK CRIDER.

63 BAGSHAW, James 1581

EJBA: James Bagshaw was taken prisoner of war at Balaclava, and court-martialed on his return. His statement to the Court: "I was with the 4th Light Dragoons in the Charge at the Action of Balaclava on the 25th Octr. 1854, and on the return of the Regt. my horse was shot under me. I was at once surrounded and taken prisoner, conducted to the Russian camp and a few days after sent into Russia with some other prisoners. We remained in Russia until the 22nd August, when we were sent to Odessa and later forwarded from thence to Balaclava, which was reached on the 26th Octr. 1855. "An affidavit signed by him, dated 27th of May 1863, was filed in the Cardigan-Calthorpe law-suit. He was at this time a Private in "D" Troop and stationed at Newbridge in Ireland. The affidavit in full stated: "1. I have been in the Regiment nine years. I remember the charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade at Balaclava on the 25th of October 1854. I was on the right of the right squadron and in the rear rank. 2. When we were within forty yards from the guns my horse was shot and I was then taken prisoner by the Russian lancers. A Russian officer came up to me and said in English, "Who was that English officer on the chestnut horse with the white heels." I said, "I did not know. "At that time I was not aware what coloured horse Lord Cardigan rode that day, but I gathered afterwards from several other English prisoners taken that day that his Lordship did indeed ride a chestnut horse with white heels during the charge. I never saw his Lordship after we started. "

This is from the EJBA, but affidavit is also included in Crider 1st edition. CHECKED with CRIDER (1st edition), p.39.

64 BAGSHAW, James

Affidavit criticised in Cardigan-Calthorpe in Cardigan's pamphlet: [transcribed PB April 2016] 12. James Bagshaw, 4th Light Dragoons, was asked by Russian officer "Who was the English officer, who rode back on the chestnut horse with white heels?""Never saw his Lordship after we started. "No evidence -- Why should he see Lord Cardigan?

65 BAKER, John George 888

Letter from Sergeant John George Baker (number 888), "4th Light Dragoons, to his parents. [96]

Camp in Front of Sebastopol,

Dear Father and Mother, - Nov. 7th, 1854.

Through the Mercy of God, and that alone, I am permitted to address you once more. I am happy to say I am still in the enjoyment of good health, and I trust this will find you all the same. I do not wish to say a word to make you uncomfortable or over anxious about me; but as I am on Guard, and have half an hour to spare, I wish to give you a few particulars. It is very pleasant to sit in a parlour in England, with a long pipe and a glass of grog, or a pint or half-and-half, and to talk of events that occur around us. I know, by the 'papers, there are many in England who think Sebastopol ought to have been taken long ere this, and may think that by this time it really is taken, but such is not the case. We have now laid by this town since the 27th of September; we commenced firing into it on the 17th of October, and are still firing while I am writing; and I firmly believe they may continue until next April, and then they will not give in. The fortifications are immensely strong. The men-of-war ships cannot assist us in the least, and it appears impossible to take it in any other way than at the point of the bayonet, which will cost an immense sacrifice of life; but I think an attempt will be made to storm it in a few days. I must now tell you that I have narrowly escaped being taken prisoner twice the first time I escaped by about five minutes, and the last time I escape through having a good horse and galloping through the enemy. The papers have ere this given you an account of the engagement of the Light Brigade under the Earl of Cardigan. I was with him on that ever-memorable day, and I shall not forget it, even to the last day of my life. We advanced on a level, between two hills, both well lined with artillery, and on one three battalions of infantry, and in our front artillery were planted also in very great numbers. We galloped through all this firing, which was almost as thick as hail, and the shot from the guns were as large as ordinary Dutch cheeses; and shells were bursting all around us. We reached the guns at the end, and cut down the gunners and drivers, and took possession of the guns; and then, to our mortification, we saw that the enemy had a large quantity of cavalry formed up ready to receive us. The consequence was, we were obliged to leave the guns, and to go three abreast back again through the same fire. And to make the affair still worse,

[145] during the time that we were cutting off the artillerymen, a party of cavalry, (about 1,000) came from behind a hill, and formed up, so that we had to cut out way through them on our retreat. We lost, killed, wounded, and missing, about sixty men. Our regiment is now only a skeleton. We have lost a great many also by disease. You have seen in the paper the account of the skirmish [, ] which took place two days afterwards; the cavalry was not engaged on that occasion. You have likewise seen an account of the battle that took place on Sunday, the 5th of November, which was more severe than at Alma; the ground would not allow the cavalry to act, but still, we were under fire; and had two men killed or wounded, and several horses killed. We are now expecting that Sebastopol will be stormed every day, but do not know what day it will take place. In consequence of the lateness of the season, we do not expect to return to England before spring, but we cannot tell anything positively before the town is taken. I was not able to finish this letter in time, and must wait for the next mail; I cannot get stamps for love or money, and my letters will be all unpaid. Although within a mile of cousin Robert, I have not seen him for some weeks: but as his regiment had not been engaged, I hope he is will. Since writing the above, our Colonel has left us and returned to England. I am also informed that Lord Raglan has declined storming the town; therefore I expect we shall have to lay here for months. Since writing the above I have been appointed Serjeant, from the 20th of October; direct to me as such, for the future. God only knows what will become of us: the weather is wet, windy and miserable already; butI hope it will please God to preserve us though all, and. bring us safely back to Old England. When war's proclaim'd, and danger's nigh, God and the soldier, is the people's cry; When was is o'er, and all things righted, God's forgotten, and the soldier slighted. Of course you will have seen by the 'papers, that we have a large army in rear of us. I shall now conclude with my kind love, to each an all, and that we may all meet again in this world, and dwell together at God's Right Hand for evermore in eternity, is the earnest prayer of your affectionate son.

1622 BAYNES, George

Following the newspaper report of the death of a "Cornet" George Baynes at the "Soldier's Home" in Washington, D.C. and the accompanying article on his participation in the Charge and a reference to the "Charge" being sounded at the onset, an ex-soldier from a Highland regiment living in Canada wrote to the Governor of the Home saying that he was present at Balaclava, witnessed the Charge and was adamant that no "Charge" was ever sounded.

[Who was this ex-soldier from a Highland regiment living in Canada?

______

An article about George Baynes 4LD which appeared in the Sunday Star, Washington D.C. on 28 January 1912.

Thanks to Philip Boys of The Lives of the Light Brigade for finding this article.

Sunday Star 28 January 1912

Survivor of Famous `Charge of the Light Brigade' Now in the Soldiers' Home

Tells Interesting Story of Wonderful Charge - Old Fighter Spending Twilight of Long and Eventful Life in Washington - Enlisted as an English Soldier When Eighteen Years of Age - The `Light Brigade's' Wonderful Dash Through Shot and Shell - Only a Small Number of Survivors Living.

Cannon to right of them,

Cannon to left of them,

Volleyed and thundered.

Stormed at with shot and shell,

Boldly they rode and well,

Into the jaws of death,

Into the mouth of hell,

Rode the six hundred.

To no other man in the United States, perhaps, and certainly no other man in Washington, does the stiring poem of Tennyson's `The Charge of the Light Brigade' appeal as it does to George H. Baynes, soldier of fortune, veteran of three wars and, he states, one of the handful of survivors of the immortal charge of the English Light Brigade at the battle of Balaklava, in the Crimean war. He is spending the twilight of a long and eventful life at the National Soldiers' Home.

The piercing eye of the old warrior is little dimmed by age. Although for six years during the past century he fought the Maori cannibals in the New Zealand bush, and in more recent times has received an honorable discharge from the United States cavalry on account of disabilities from hard riding, his years, which now number but four less than four score, weigh lightly upon him.

Survivors of the tragic charge of the Light Brigade were never many. Of the 600 cavalrymen who entered the fatal valley under the ambiguous command, `Advance on the enemy's front,' but a hundred odd remained. The reason for the charge being made as it was has never been satisfactorily settled, although the theme for whole volumes, whose authors delved into the question from every possible angle.

To `Cornet' Baynes - for in the English army he had the commission of cornet, which corresponded very nearly to that of second lieutenant in the army of the United States - the events of the war of the Crimea in 1854 are as well remembered as events of yesterday. Although his life has been crowded with deeds of daring, and although he has faced every weapon of offense from the broadsides of Russian batteries to the tomahawk of western Indians in the United States, soon after the close of the civil war, when the red men trailed the warpath, he says that the most vivid recollection of his life, the one thing which stands out above all else, is the desperate ride he made into the teeth of Russian gunners on the plain of Balaklava, between the guns on the Causeway heights and the Fedioukine hills.

Baynes receives his visitor affably in the pleasant sun parlor at the Soldiers' Home. He is comfortable there, despite the fact that he expects soon to remove to his old home in Colorado Springs, Col., where his wife is buried, and where his friends live. Pressed to tell the story of the Crimean war, and especially of the carnage made immortal through the song of a poet, he looked quizzically at his visitor, and said:

`It may be a long story, my friend. Though the battle of Balaklava was the most noted battle of the war, and the best known in countries where Tennyson's poem is read, yet there were other fights, even more desperate encounters, and, withal, battles which told more for England than did Balaklava.' He speaks in the broad inflections of the true Englishman, and every sentence shows the effect of a thorough education received in Eton College, England.

His father was Charles Robert Baynes, chief justice of the English presidency of Madras, in India. The son was born there, and when George was three years old the elder Baynes took his family back to England, where he carefully attended to the education of his son, who received the training customarily given a gentleman's son in England in that day. Mr. Baynes was born August 2, 1836. A wealthy uncle purchased a commission of cornet in the English army for him at the outbreak of the war in the Crimea, when he was eighteen years old, making him one of the youngest officers in that conflict.

`I never will forget the bleak, forbiding capes and stern promonteries of the Crimean coast as they appeared to the invading troops, who had entered the Black Sea by way of the Golden Horn, at Constantinople,' says the old veteran, brightening, as he remembered what to him was but an adventure. `Most of the transports and warships had left the sickly harbour of Varna, where a mysterious scourge had fallen upon the troops, creating great havoc among the English forces for a time. We cast anchor off the inlet of Balaklava, which, though small, was capable of taking the largest warships sent by the English government. Our disembarkation was made quite unopposed on the 14th of September, 1854, and by the 18th the entire force of the `allies,' consisting of the English, French and Turkish forces, had established themselves on Russian soil in the peninsula of Crimea. Although it was impossible at that time to unload much of the baggage of the soldiers, we nevertheless seized about 350 `arabas' or native wagons of the Tartars who inhabit the steppes of the coast, using them to convey the munitions and rations. A thousand cattle and sheep, which poultry, fruit and vegetables, were seized from the hostile tribes.

`The first battle of any consequence in which I engaged before the fight on the Balaklava plain was the battle of the Alma, or, as it is called in the native language, `The Apple,' probably on account of the splendid apples which grow in the valleys along rivers sheltered by the mountains.'

He hesitated for a moment, trying to remember the date of the battle of the Alma.

`I think,' he said, slowly, `It was on the 19th or the 20th of September.' History records that it was on the 20th of September.

`While the Light Brigade did not take a very active part in the battle, as most of the fighting was done by the infantry, we nevertheless saw some sharp skirmishing in the battle, which cost the Russians about 6000 men and the English about 3000 killed and wounded. Two days were spend on the Alma while we buried our dead. The march around Sebastopol was a hard one, the high grassy steppes affording little water for either horses or men. My own charger suffered terribly for water, on one part of the march going for nearly forty-eight hours without it.'

`The weather during the months of September and October was delightful; the says were not cold, seeming to be about such weather as in the United States is called Indian summer. The siege of Sebastopol properly began a number of days before the battle of Balaklava was fought. All the non-combatants and all the citizens of the town had been slipped out of Sebastopol in the night, and the population left was composed entirely of hardened fighting men, who had sufficient rations for an indefinite time and whose fortifications were exceptional. Their garrison consisted of about 25,000 trained men. The day of the 17th of October, eight days before the charge at Balaklava, witnessed the most terrific bombardment known in warfare up to that time; but Sebastopol did not fall.

`The cavalry, being of no use in the neighbourhood of Sebastopol, were led towards the Uplands, as they were called, the hills above the straggling village of Balaklava, about the Tchernaya river. The march was made only after many maneuvres and skirmishes, none of which could hardly be called a battle. The battle of Balaklava really began at daybreak on the morning of the 25th of October. The early skirmishes had been in favor of the Russians, and a number of the English fortifications in the neighbourhood of Balaklava had been carried. Heavy losses had been sustained by both sides, the Light Brigade gradually worked to a position at the opening of the valley between the two ridges of hills.

`Lord Cardigan was leader of the Light Brigade - a most gallant officer. I, of course, had no way of knowing the orders that had been sent by the field marshal to govern the movements of the Light Brigade during the day, and did not know twenty seconds before the order was given to advance that any forward movement by the brigade was to be made. I never will forget the appearance of the valley down which the ride was made. The sober green of the hillsides was a most excellent setting for the bright figures of the troops and cavalry, in the showy uniforms then worn. To our left were the low clumps of hills of the Fedioukine range, in which were placed the heaviest batteries of the Russians.

`Directly in front of us, as the troops faced the head of the valley, were more Russian batteries discernible against the green of the hillsides, when the smoke which they belched out permitted them to be seen. To our right, held largely by our own forces, was the Worenzoff road, which threaded its glistening way along the hummocks of the Causeway heights. Far back of the batteries at the head of the valley could be seen the glistening ribbon of the Tchernaya river.

`Suddenly to our extreme right we saw an officer galloping madly toward the Light Brigade. It was Capt. Nolan, aid-de-camp to the commanding officer, whom I knew by sight. We were alert, but did not know the nature of the consultation between our leader and Nolan. Lord Cardigan seemed to be in doubt as to the nature of the orders he had received. Nolan answered him in what seemed to me to be an insolent manner, and our leader turned to the bugler of the brigade with an order. The shrill, thin notes of the bugle sounded out the order to mount. Then came the order to charge with drawn sabers. I was a member of the 4th Light Dragoons, `the queen's own troop,' as it was called.

`Lord Cardigan was at the head of the troops, and as he led the Light Brigade he looked neither to the left nor the right. We had proceeded on the charge but a short way when Capt. Nolan suddenly left the formation and, waving his sword, started to cross ahead of the troops. No one ever knew what the object of the mad act was, for before he had gotten two-thirds of the way across a splinter of a shell from a Russian gun burrowed its way into his breast, killing him instantly. His noble horse, feeling the change which had come over his master, wheeled, and bore him back to the English reserves, Capt. Nolan falling from his saddle just before reaching his own lines.

`Lord Cardigan seemed to think that it had been the object of Nolan to deprive him of his command, and resolved to carry the Light Brigade the full length of the valley to the farthermost guns of the Russian battery. He did not know until after the charge that Nolan had been killed. As soon as the range of the first Russian batteries was reached our pace quickened into a sharp trot. The battery was the one to the left at first, but we soon came into the range of the one to the right. The air was a perfect inferno of sound. Men and horses were stricken with instant death, the bursting shells making the bedlam of noises more awful, while the smoke rolled in upon us, mingling with the dust raised by the hoofs of the horses.

`Our ranks were closed as fast as men were lost. The ranks kept growing thinner and thinner and the pace of the horses increased to a mad gallop. I lost all sense of direction, could hear nothing but the whine of bullets and the hissing of bursting shells, the crossfire from the Russian guns getting in terrible work. But we were nearing the batteries to the front, the real goal of the charge, and deadly execution was being made on our depleted ranks from this new source.

`I can never be sure of what followed. It seems to me that we reached the guns at the head of the valley - at least history says we did. The frantic Russian gunners surpised and terrified by our onslaught, were tearing at their guns, trying to unlimber them, their horses rearing and charging. There was the thud of hoofs, the clash of sabers, groans of dying men - all forming a medley which Hades himself could not imitate.' The aged man stopped from sheer exhaustion. His hands and arms had been gesticulating, his eyes were flashing, the warrior in him was re-living the events of the most peculiar and deadly charges in history. He was again going through the blood and carnage, again smelling the smoke of battle.

`Do you remember the return of the remnant of the Light Brigade?' he was asked, after a time.

`No, I can remember nothing definite of it. I only know that once more we ran the awful gantlet [sic] of flame, again head the screaming shells as our excited horses bore us swiftly back over the plain, now strewn with the dead and dying horses and men. Practically all of us bore back a wounded comrade as we came.'

`What did you think of the sort of military order that led you into such a hopeless position?'

`We didn't think anything about it. It is a soldier's duty to act, not reason why,' replied the old man. `I simply did my duty, as did the rest of the command, and there is no special credit for that. I know that there has been a vast amount of talk about the orders we received, but as far as those who took part in the battle are concerned, Tennyson just about summed it up when he said: `Theirs not to reason why, theirs but to do, or die.' I don't see anything particularly heroic about that. After the battle of Balaklava I was one who did duty about Sebastopol, until its fall before the terrible cannonading poured in upon it from the guns of the English.'

After Sebastopol and the battle of Inkerman, in which Baynes took part, he was transported back to England. He speaks a good word for the work of Florence Nightingale, and the work of the nurses during the war, which was the real starting of the modern systems of caring for the wounded on the battlefield and in hospitals.

After arrival in England Baynes sold out his commission as cornet in the English army, retiring to private life for a while. The desire to wander seized him again, however, and, within three years after the close of the Crimean war, he set sail from England for Australia, to try his fortune in what then was England's frontier.

Here again he found opportunity to give vent to his desire for fighting. The Maoris, tribes of cannibals and savages, in New Zealand, had not yet been conquered by the English, and were giving much trouble by their raids and wars. Troops called the `scouts' were formed in Australia by former officers in the British army, whose business it was to crush these tribes. The invasions of New Zealand by the English took them into the heart of the bush, and for six years Baynes saw hazardous service in these wars. At times he was sent as spy, or courier, on missions so dangerous that when a dispatch was sent from one detachment of the army to the other, identical dispatches were given five different men at the same time in the hope that at least one of the dispatch bearers would get through. Drummond Hayes, a well known Australian character, was the most noted leader in the old days of the Australian `scouts.' Baynes says that he suffered more hardships while scouting in New Zealand than he ever did in the Crimean war.

At the expiration of his service in New Zealand he once more went back to England. He remained there but a short time, however, embarking for Canada, where he arrived in little over a year from the time he left Australia. From Canada he came to the United States, where the third chapter in his career as a fighter was completed. In 1872, on the eve of President Grant's election, he enlisted in Company I of the 6th Cavalry, at once being sent to the Indian territory, where the Arapahoe Indians had become very troublesome. He was in a number of skirmishes and fights before the Arapahoes were finally subdued.

After two years' service in the United States cavalry he was given an honorable discharge on account of disability contracted from hard riding as a cavalryman. While in the cavalry he was under the command of Gen. Adna Chaffee, and he is warm in his praise of that officer, declaring that he was the best cavalry officer that he ever knew.

After receiving his discharge from the army he removed to Colorado, where he has lived most of the time since. After his discharge from the United States army he was married at Fort Russell, Kan. His wife died in 1909.

Throughout all his military career Baynes has never received a wound. His has been practically a charmed life, for on many occasions it has seemed that his career was to have an abrupt end, but the goddess of fortune, who always befriended him, kept him unharmed. Of an essentially quiet nature, he does not have much to say of himself, and only when questioned does he grow reminiscent of happenings which have long since gone to make the history of nations. He has been in the Soldiers' Home since last October.

http://shadowsoftime.co.nz/georgebaynes4LDarticle.html

98 BOXALL, John

JOHN BOXALL, aged 81, is a confirmed invalid, residing at Tunbridge Wells, but gives us this account of his experiences: "We had the order to charge, and I was very soon shot, my leg being broken, making me cripple for life. I managed to ride on for a while, but very soon after my poor horse was shot dead, and I was thrown to th ground. As I laid there I got several stabs from Russians, and was left for dead. Eventually I was taken prisoner by the Russians and carried to Odessa, Here my leg was set, but the bullet did not work out until fourteen days afterwards. I have it now as a memento of the most thrilling time I ever experienced. "

From EJBA f H File, VOL 1 There is a signature. Also in Crider p.40, with source. Answers Magazine, 26 October 1912 626, courtesy of Paul Burns and Glenn Fisher. ] [Dutton 2nd edition p24 quotes from an undated Kent & Sussex Courier. FOLLOW UP]

142 CARROLL, P

[244] Private P Carroll, 4th Light Dragoons

When we commenced to retreat my horse was killed and I was wounded with grape shot just in front of the guns. After running some little distance Lord Paget and Colonel Shewell passed me riding together, they appeared to be speaking to each other.

172 CONNOR, Dennis, Denis

Check against Crider p.48. See version in old LC appendix IVIn Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"

DENNIS CONNOR ACCOUNT IN ILN & DT 1875. doc [PB: acc to DA the ILN version was re-printed from the D Telegraph)

Transcript by RD (who seems to have copied it from DA)

Check this version against Doug Austin's 2004 transcript in Balaklava Anniversary at Alexandra Palace 2 Oct 1875 p.20Also LC p.48.

In EJBA 4H VOL 1 -the following has been checked against this~:

"Denis Connor, another of the Chelsea pensioners, states as follows: I was in the 4th Light Dragoons (now the 4th Hussars), under Lord George Paget. We were drawn up ready on the morning of the charge. All were perfectly cool and collected. When the order was given I heard the men chaffing each other. One would tell another that he "would lose the number of his mess that day, " meaning that he would be shot; others said, "Here goes for victory!" whilst others declared they would have Russian biscuits for dinner. Lord George led our line gallantly. There was no sign of flinching; but he made us laugh as he kept drawling out in his own peculiar tone, "Now, then, men, come on," and on we went certainly. I saw Gowen's horse shot. The animal staggered, turned round two or three times, and fell. I was one of those who tried to cut the traces of the Russian guns. I used my pocket-knife, but I found that within the leather were chains of steel. Our officers did more service with their revolvers than we could with our carbines. They fired five shots to our one, and that seemed to alarm the Russians. I don't think we were away from our first position on the hill more than twenty minutes, and that included charge and all. The enemy retired in confusion when the charge was made. They could not reform their line. We took some prisoners and exchanged them afterwards for our own men. When we returned we had a bottle of grog from the canteen, while Captain Cruikshank gave a glass of rum to each man who passed by him. I can corroborate everything that Corporal Grant has said. The Polish Lancers did follow us a little way up the hill, but they were cowards, and turned back again. "

176 CUTHBERT, Joseph

This came from Roy Mills. [There is also a copy in Roy Dutton 2nd ed. p31, and http://shadowsoftime.co.nz/josephcuthbertletter1.html. It would be good to check the actual text, since they vary. ]

Letter addressed to his wife and parents can be found in the Leicestershire Records Office. First published in May 1995 For the Record" No 22 by Robin Jenkins it was originally deposited as 16056 but subsequently withdrawn by the depositor. The letter now survives as a photocopy just as it was written by Farrier Cuthbert .

4th Light Dragoons, Joseph Cuthberts Letter.

`By Your kind wish, I now sit down to write a few lines to you sincerely hoping they will find you all quite well, as regards myself, l have been very unwell for some time with diarhoea which is very prevalent with us I can assure you, Now in the first place I received a letter from Brother Andrew some time ago also I received a letter from my Brother John on the 17th of November I thought of you all on my Birthday and wishd you many returns of the Day.

Now I will Commence my long ramble in the first place when we landed on the Crimea we proceeded hence in fighting Order for Sebastopol, after a few days March we Arrivd at Alma this was Our first Obstacle we had to Contend with, the Russians had taken up a beautiful position, we could discern them some two miles distance before we came under the range of the Guns we still went on without thought or care of what our End might be, the Enemy kept pouring shot and shell in us in abundance, we still advancing and never stopd until we outflankd them, and Chargd them. Even to the very mouth of their Guns, took them and they retired in great disorder, the loss of the allies 1500 men, killed and wounded, the Russians loss 6000 Killed and wounded

and Prisoners, the Cavalry did nothing worthy of notice, but was on the ground, only one part of the Army was Engaged.

I will now proceed again leaving Alma Strewn with the Dead, we continued our route without being Molested for some days short of Every thing Thousands of times I longd for a drink of Newton water. I would almost have sacrificed my life for a piece of dry bread and clear water now at the present moment the water we get is thick and muddy, such that the People of England Could not drink, but I forget I am running away from my story at last we arrived at Sebastopol within range of their Guns, their 68 pounders used to drop in our lines amongst the Horses which Kept us moving our Camp nearly Every day and we never fired a shot until! the 17th of October, we commenced laying siege to Sebastopol and we arrived in front of the Town on the 23d of September 24 days we lay doing nothing but getting up the siege train and they have been battering at the Town Ever since with

little Effect.

On the 25th of October the Russians sallied forth with vigour took two batteries of Guns from the Turks and advanced right into our lines (the Cavalry) we had to retire at a Gallop, these where a body of Cossacks after retiring we collected together, and the Heavy Brigade of Cavalry Charged them and slew them in numbers we had no Artillery with us or we would have killed them all, we had only one Infantry Reight. 93rd. Highlanders we drove them back and retook the batteries, two men Killed in that Charge and about Twenty wounded, during this Charge they attacked us in another point the Enemy 20 to one against us, the light brigade of Cavalry was then brought into action, and a serious Conflict took place, there was very bad Generalship attending it, the light Cavalry was completely cutt up Our Regt. lost 80 Horses and a great many men in fact the light Regts. were all alike, there was five light Regts. we all made a Charge down a Valley and Russian batteries of Artillery playing from both sides upon us, besides Columns of Infantry pouring volleys Into us, My Assistant was the first man fell in Our Regt., l Escaped thank God, my Horse was shot Dead with a Six Pound shot, fifteen men Killed and wounded out of my Troop, the whole of the light Cavalry can muster more than one whole Reg. now.

So I will leave you to guess the state of Affairs I came out with 62 Horses in my Troop, I have now 32 we remained quiet again up till the 5th of Novr. which happend on a Sunday at 4A.M. they rushd on our outline picquet, which happen'd to be the foot Guards (the Coldstreams) the Russians came out 60,000 strong, 9000 with Artillery, had to face them the Guards lost 350 men the hardest fight Ever known a dreadful slaughter, after 6 Hours fighting they were driven back with a loss of 12,000 men, the Allies 2000 we lost a great many Generals, Dear Friends I have given you an Outline of the Engagements, I have not had a scratch yet and sincerely hope the Almighty will protect me in Every respect for without his Aid we can do nothing for his hand reacheth all the Corners of the Earth.

Dear Parents I must now reverse my subject in the first place My Dear Wife let her see this letter for I know she is anxiously waiting to hear from me, and as I mentiond before I wanted to send her some Money for I know she must think it very strange - I dont send, but the Regt. is in such Confusion. I have not receivd one fraction since August, nor either can I get any, I have not a farthing in the world to bless myself with nor dont Expect I shall before I get into winter quarters the weather is dreadfull cold nor I have no Change of linnen I have no socks and ragged and filthy as Possible sometimes I cannot get a wash for a week together this is Soldiering in Earnest, Salt Beef and dry Biscuit but fear not trust in the Lord, for he is the ruler of all good things, l heard a Beautiful sermon yesterday, the text (?) were in the 8th. Chapr. of Romans 28th. Verse - the rain is pouring in torrents no Covering for the Horses, I think of drawing to a Close one wish more dear Parents look to my Dear Wife, l do not now when we come to England again, she must keep up her spirits, for I do although in misery, I must conclude with my love to my Dear Wife and accept the same Yourselves yes from Your Affectionate Son.

Remember me to Mr. Kent & Mr. Crashaw & Enquiring friends

Now write soon be sure

Roberts send his love to his wife and wants her to write

Farrier Jos Cuthbert, 4 Light Dragoons Serving with the Army in Turkey.'

Thanks to Roy Mills of The Lives of the Light Brigade for passing this item on to me

179 DANIELL,

186 DEERING, Daniel 1302

Check Crider p.52.

In an affidavit submitted for the Cardigan-Calthorpe law-suit, dated the 29th of May 1863, when he was a Private in the 4th Hussars stationed at Newbridge in Ireland, Daniel Deering stated:

1. I have been sixteen and half years in the service. I was in the Light Cavalry charge at the battle of Balaclava on the 25th of October 1854 and was in the right squadron in the front rank and on the left of the squadron.

2. When we were charging up to the battery and within 300 yards of it, we met Lord Cardigan alone, returning to the rear on a chestnut horse; he was cantering back and was on the left of the 4th Light Dragoons; I know Lord Cardigan well, and I am quite certain it was him that I saw retiring.

3. We then attacked the guns and I recollect Lord George Paget telling us to reform and retire. I did not see Lord Cardigan whilst we were engaged at the guns. When we got back from where we started from, I saw Lord Cardigan in front of us; he rode up and said, "This has been a great blunder, but don't blame me for it. "

4. The fact of Lord Cardigan's return has often been talked about in the Regiment.

190 DEVLIN, J

[244] Corporal J Devlin, 4th Light Dragoons We were well in hand on arriving at the guns. After seizing them the portion of the brigade then there was rallied by Lord George Paget. Finding our position untenable we rode back over the same ground.

207 EDDEN John

Check Crider p.54.

EDDEN - HIS ACCOUNT OF THE CHARGE ETC in 2 parts [PB: This was sent to me by Roy Ashwood in 2014: Hello Philip, If I understand you correctly, what you want to "Borrow" is my marathon typing before Christmas that I mentioned. I did have the reports by the newspaper man who met John after the 1890 Banquet (which it seems all the other books have him as not attending) and was putting it in Chapter three. If this is what you want I copy it below. I did try to look at a micro film version of the actual paper in Lichfield Record office a month ago but it is in very minute print and very hard to read. It was a task doing what is below, but I think it looks better than the actual newspaper article. Best regards, Roy]

John Edden's personal account of his time in the Military The Balaclava Charge in a Midland newspaper in November 1890 [PB: source?] By A Local Survivor John Edden of Tamworth

The memorable "Charge of the Light Brigade" is not likely to fade from the memory of patriotic Englishmen. Much has of late been written about this immortalised combat, but the incidents recorded have chiefly come from the pens of Commissioned or non commissioned officers or their friends and relatives. So far as we are aware the tragic events of that awful encounter have not up to the present been described by one from the ranks. Happening to come across Mr. John Edden of 44, Lichfield Street, Tamworth, one of the survivors of the Light Brigade, fresh from the 36th anniversary dinner at St James Hall, London, on Saturday evening a Mercury reporter elicited from him the following stirring but plain and unvarnished narrative of this deathless feat of arms as witnessed by himself:

I was born in Tamworth and lived with my parents, both of whom are now deceased, in Lichfield Street until about 19 years of age, when in 1851, I enlisted in as a Trooper into the 4th (Queens Own) Light Dragoons. I was sent to the recruiting depot at Lichfield, and from thence joined my regiment in Dublin. We stayed there but a few months and then returned to England about the time of the first exhibition at the Chrystal [PB: sic?] Palace. We were sent to Hampton Court and ultimately took up winter quarters at Woolwich. From there we were drafted to Norwich, where we stayed about a year. Rumours of a war between Russia and Turkey became rife and Chobham camp was opened. Thither I was sent with my regiment, and after a stay of about six weeks we were transferred to Canterbury. During the winter of 1854 war was declared between England and Russia, England taking the part of Turkey. From Canterbury we were sent to Exeter and there we "formed" for the Crimea. We embarked at Devonport on board the "Simla", the regiment being 360 strong. After an uneventful voyage of about a fortnight or three weeks duration we landed at Varna, the majority of us being in high spirits at the prospect of seeing some real fighting. At Varna we encamped on the sea coast, near a small village, the name of which I cannot recollect for the moment, the town itself being on the other side of the harbour. Here we were kept about six weeks, and in August we sailed for the Crimea with Lord Lucan in command of both the heavy and light brigade. On September 17th 1854 we landed in the Crimea at a place called Old Ford or Old Fold, I forget which it was; but it was on a level with the sea. As soon as we landed the game began. There were foraging and reconnoitring parties every day. Some strong skirmishing occurred at Bulganic, but nothing particularly happened from it, although our brigade was continually harassed by two regiments of Russian Cavalry. My Regiment the 4th Light Dragoons chiefly occupied the position of rear guard during this skirmishing. On the morning of 20th September we were ordered to march for the heights of Alma, and we were told that "we should have to fight for our water before we could get it." Lord Raglan said that as he passed through the lines, and told us to fill our water bottles. The water was that thick and muddy you could almost cut it. After a march of about eighteen miles we came in sight of the heights of Alma, where the Russians had assembled a strong force. At this point the cavalry were not called into action, although of course they were ready for it; they crowned the hills, and did what they could in the way of reconnoitring. The heights of Alma were taken by our men on the 20th September, and on the evening of that day I formed one of a troop, taken from the left, numbering about forty, despatched on a foraging expedition to a village some six miles distant. Our instructions were to get anything we could lay our hands on in the shape of provisions, horses etc. We started at midnight accompanied by two native guides, who, however acted shabbily and deserted us when we arrived at the village. We had collected a quantity of provisions and a number of horses and bullocks, and had prepared everything for the return journey, when the commissariat officer in charge, suddenly ordered a vedette to mount the top of the hills and keep a good lookout; but they came back in a terrible hurry. We were they pressed by two bodies of the enemies cavalry, numbering, we calculated, about 800 each. As the vedette came near us, the cavalry appeared on the heights, and then we had to race for the ford; them on one side of the river Alma, and us on the other. We had to leave all of the stores behind that we had collected, and our object was to gain the ford before the enemy. The commissariat officer had previously gained another guide, a sort of head man or magistrate, who was placed between me and another soldier, both carrying loaded carbines. The officer said to us "keep an eye on that guide, you partly know the road we came by, and if you see the least sign of treachery blow his brains out in a moment." However the guide did not betray us; our horses being comparatively fresh and in good trim, we out-rode the enemy, and first crossed the ford, where we regained the heights of Alma, although our horses were by this time about done up. I had then been on duty three nights without having any food served out from the Commissariat Department; all I had to eat being what I could snatch. A stronger force was afterwards sent back to the village, but they found the place wholly deserted. I was told so, but I did not go with this party. The next day we marched on, as we supposed to Sevastopol. We bivouacked at a place the name of which I cannot recollect; but it was in a vineyard. The village was deserted, the fruit was strewn about and everything was in confusion. On the following day we got to the main road for Sebastopol, and there we were joined by some of the heavy dragoons. On either side of this road was a wood called Mackenzie's Farm. The Russians were fully anticipating that we would reach Sevastopol by the main road, but instead we were sent through this wood and came suddenly on them at Mackenzie's Farm. Here the whole army was routed. --- Here the veteran paused in his narrative, and his eyes sparkled, as in memory, he fought his battles over again. "Did you take part in any of that engagement?" queried the pressman. "Yes, " replied Mr. Edden, "We did what we could in routeing the enemy; their ammunition was blown up, and their mines were exploded. This left an open road to Tchernayas, a plain on which we bivouacked for the night. The next day we arrived at Balaclava, settling down in front of the City. Of course we only remained there two or three days, being frequently shifted back so as to be out of range; and by the time the French troops which had been coming up meanwhile took up our position, we went through and camped on the Inkerman side. We were afterwards recalled to Balaclava. There we were continually harassed by the enemy from morning until night. They seemed to know our dinner hour as well as we did ourselves. We were harassed for days and days until the 25th of October. That was the eventful day!"

Next week we shall record the part taken in the famous charge by Mr. Edden

The 21st November follow up edition: Thrilling Details In the account of a recent interview with Mr. John Edden of Lichfield Street, Tamworth, who took part, as a private in the 4th (Queens Own) Light Dragoons, in the famous charge of Balaclava, which was published on the 8th inst, the narrative ended at the night before the battle, the narrator continued:

On the morning October 25th 1854, the Russians attacked the allied forces, with and army, it was rumoured 60,000 strong "Balaclava" continued the veteran, "let it be understood, was the key of the position, it opened the road to Sevastopol at that time. It was simply defended by one regiment the 93rd Highlanders, under Sir Colin Campbell, and the light and heavy cavalry brigades. There would not be above two thousand men in the whole lot. The Turks were defending the outposts. There were three redoubts, and I think two guns in each of them. We had stood to our horses all the night before, and when the order to "turn in" came we gave them feed. We had not turned in long before an attack was made on the outposts, and then we were ordered to mount forthwith, as it was said the Russians were coming in force. They made a deliberate attack on the outposts first, and one redoubt after another was taken from the Turks. All the guns were lost. They made a charge across the plain in great force, with their cavalry, but were crossed and taken in flank by the 93rd Highlanders and the Heavy Dragoons, who displayed true British pluck and did their cavalry duty well. But the Russians retired before the deadly fire which the Highlands poured into them. They received the Russians in line without "forming square" For the moment it appeared like we were losing ground: in fact, we began to retreat by echelon along the valley, which they now call "The Valley of Death." The advance of the enemy was, however, checked by the French batteries on the heights. Our five regiments of light cavalry were galloped from their positions, across the valley, in which the Russians were forcing their way up, and were drawn across the front in echelon. Two regiments of French cavalry were also formed up there on the same ground: I think they were the 4th Chasseurs. Here we had to halt to await orders, and the word was passed from man to man that the Russians were laying a trap for us. "They are never going to send us down into that valley?" said some, whilst others replied, "They will only be fools if they try." Other words were made use of, but it would not do to mention those. From an hour and a half to two hours we remained there, and the Russians still held the position, with cannon, plenty of infantry, and everything. There was a battery to the right, and one to the left. We could see these with the naked eye, but there was also a battery in front which could only be well seen through a field-glass, and the officers lent some of us their glasses to look through. All at once Captain Nolan, aide-de-camp to Lord Raglan came galloping down with an order. If I understood him rightly his words were, "Retake the guns if possible; and if necessary the cavalry are to charge." Lord Lucan, who had command of the whole, said "Where are the guns?" Captain Nolan pointing with his hand to the guns in position replied "There!" He also added "And I will show the red caps to the front" He belonged to the 15th Hussars, and they wore red caps. Then without any more to do the advance was ordered at a "trot, " but we soon got into a gallop, the "charge, " they said, was sounded, but I did not hear it, although no doubt it was sounded. Lord Cardigan, as he rushed to the front, exclaimed "Here goes the last of the Cardigans!" And then the slaughter began. The enemy opened fire from the batteries, and our men began to fall in half-dozens. The first line was led by the 17th Lancers and the 11th Hussars, and the guns were well aimed for emptying saddles. They did not, however, aim so accurately for the first line as they did for the second. Directly we got into this fire, what with that from the guns and the infantry together, we could hardly see where we were. Men and horses were falling fast around me. We lost sight of the first line of course, as I belonged to the second line. I had not been in this fire long before a sergeant on my right, had his head half blown off by a shell, which busted in front of me and killed half of our left hand troop. The officer, who was leading the squadron I was in, was Captain Brown, a hasty tempered gentleman. He kept telling us to "keep back; hold your horses in hand, " but the cry from our men was "Loose out; get at them. We shall all be shot before we can strike a blow." We were then three-quarters of a mile from the guns, and a portion of the ground was cultivated. It was being torn up all the way in front of us with bullets and shot. As we advanced we came in sight of the front body of the Russian army. The first thing that attracted my attention was the dismantling of the guns that our front line had rushed through. To understand the position we were then in I should state that to the left going down was a regiment of cavalry, Polish Lancers, to the left of the guns; but they never moved. As the third line came into action, commanded by Col. Sewell, of the 8th Hussars, this line of cavalry just referred to wheeled round and hemmed us in. The first line that had rushed into the enemy's camp was charged back again by a whole host of Russian cavalry. Lord Cardigan at this time was somewhere in the rear, and it was said that his horse had run away. The remark was passed from man to man, "Look at them charging the 8th!" which we had mistaken in the excitement of the moment; but it was the Russians charging the first line back. At this time our rear was cut off. Lord George Paget, after enquiring for Lord Cardigan, ordered our men to rally, as they were scattered in all directions. An old soldier belonging to the 17th Lancers, who had been in the Sikh War, I believe it was old Jack Penn, shouted "Rally be ------! A mobs the best way to break our road through. "After that we all intermixed with Cossacks, Polish Lancers, and all descriptions of men together. We were that close that we could not point them. I struck three or four in the mouth with the hilt of my sword, and could not do it any other way. We were pressed closely and very strongly by the Cossacks all this time, when the battery that had been on our right going down, opened fire into the lot of us; into their own men as well as into us, and I believe in my own mind it was the Russians who broke the road for us. At that time the ground was being ploughed up by shots and bullets, and men falling all around us by dozens. Just at this moment my horse was shot from under me, and I was rather badly hurt in the fall. I was staggered for a bit, but being young and strong, and seeing the enemy passing us so closely, I soon recovered. They were all making their way home the best they could; every man for himself. "Where do you call home?" queried the reporter. "To the lines were we started from." The French cavalry had charged the battery on our left, and had silenced the guns; and the dismounted men, seeing this, were making towards that battery. But I took the advice of an old soldier, who said, "Keep here under this battery, and you will be under the range" There I saw nothing but dead and dying men and horses. I afterwards returned to our camp the best way I could on foot, and when I got there it was pitiful to see the remnants of the Light Brigade. I knew there had been great slaughter, but I never knew it was so bad until then. When the roll was called there were only 189 out of the 695 who started in the morning. The Russians made no further attack or advance. We retired in the darkness of the night to the slope of the hill under the French guns, and from there we proceeded up on the Inkerman side, doing duty day after day until November 5th, when the great battle of Inkerman was fought. Although the Light Brigade took no part in that particular action we were present on the field, and about fourteen of our men were killed. We were kept ready to cut off the enemies flank. We were afterwards taken down to Balaclava, and then came that terrible hard winter. Up to November the weather had been something like it is here, generally, misty and wet. But on the 15th came a terrible storm. Tents were blown down, and men were starving and dying. There was nothing to eat, except what we could snatch. But the commissariat officer behaved well. We finished the winter here, although we were not supplied with winter clothing until the beginning of the following year. We had no change of clothing, and the men naturally became, filthy and dirty. As the summer approached I was sent with an expedition to Byda Pass, to hunt up some spies that were lurking about, and there I spent some six weeks under Major Peel, subsequently returning to my old quarters at Balaclava. The Sardinians here joined us, and then came the great battle of Tchernaya, which was chiefly fought by the Sardinians and the French. The English cavalry were called to the front, but did not go into action, although they were under fire. Then we again took up our old quarters on the Balaclava side, and remained there until the fall of the city, at which we were present on 7th September 1855. I was previously shipped from Balaclava to Eupratoria, were an expedition composed of English, French and Turks was formed for the purpose of harassing the Russians. Here we made some good captures of provisions and stores. One night I was ordered out with a reconnoitring party, and told to make a circle to our left, but through a mistake of Captain Adlington; in command, we came out in the night. I told him I was afraid he had made a mistake, but he said he had not. I told him "We shall be on the French Piquet's directly!" He replied that the pass word was "Toulong" and just as he had spoken it the French out-posts opened fire, and I again had my horse shot from under me, as did five or six of my comrades, as well as Captain Hunt. I immediately levelled my carbine to return the fire, when it was immediately knocked down by Captain Adlington, who said "We shall have the whole army on us in a minute, " and then he began to shout "Toulong!" which satisfied them we were friends. Not a man was killed, although several were wounded. Nothing of any account occurred after that; we embarked for Scuturi, and there peace was proclaimed. I ultimately arrived at Portsmouth in July, 1856, and was sent to Brighton. Since that time I have attended the banquet to the survivors pretty regularly. "What pension did a grateful country bestow?" enquired the reporter. "None whatever" he replied. "I served twelve years altogether, and then took my discharge, I then returned to Tamworth, were I have obtained a living as a Stone Masons labourer. I possess two medals, four clasps for the Crimea and the Turkish medal. I have worked for Messrs. Clarson and Son for many years, and have bought up a family of ten children. One of my sons is in the Northumberland Fusiliers, and at present stationed in India." In conclusion the veteran, who stands 6 feet one and a half inches in his boots, stated that with the exception of a five months illness at the beginning of the present year, he had always been in good health. As we were parting he invited me to call at his home to see a picture of Lord Cardigan leading the charge, which had been presented to him, in common with other survivors, by Lady Cardigan.

208 EDDEN, John

From the Tamworth Herald of the speech he made in 1897: Speech by a survivor of the 600"Thank you - I would have thought it almost time that the word "Balaclava" should have died out, but it appears to me that it is handed down in history and in school books. I know this because children in the streets call me "Old Balaclava". I don't mind that, but am rather proud of it and I am equally proud to be able to address you. I only wish there were a few more left to join me so that you could hear two versions of the tale for it is impossible to give an opinion alike. Unfortunately the survivors lie a great many miles apart and they are rapidly becoming fewer. There are many "Balaclava" men and many people cannot understand it. It is rather misleading - the engagement should be defined as "Balaclava Proper" and the "Balaclava Charge by the Six Hundred." The great majority of survivors belong to the former - in which the 93rd Highlanders and The Heavy Brigade did excellent work, but this was before the Charge of the Light Brigade. For two hours the Russians were forcing their army up what was called the "Valley of Death". We were formed across the valley and the Russians showed such a threatening attitude that the light cavalry were ordered to advance. We could see the trap laid for us, Lord Cardigan led us, but he did not bring us back, He led us to the guns and the Russian gunners stuck to their work like men, Englishmen could have done no more, for they allowed themselves to be cut down and I don't think a man escaped. But where the English were wrong was that we went too far, for when we got the advantage the result was that their whole army was poured on us. We were caught as nicely in a trap from the sides as could be. Commanders, there were none, two dragoons could not get together and we were mixed up with the Russians like a row in a tap room. We were surrounded with a set of the deadliest cut-throats, the Cossacks and they - the cowardly brutes - could not do without piercing the wounded men. My horse was shot from under me and fell pinning me to the ground but in its wriggling and plunging with pain I was able to get loose. I was in an awful position. I could see that if I went one way I had a deadly fire to go through and I knew that if I went the other way I should be subject to the tender mercies of the Cossacks. But an Englishman always thinks twice before he acts once. My mind was made up and I decided to go through the firing. How I got through I don't know, I can't even think. The ground was ploughed up all along and men and horses were cut down by the score. And I will say it now - and I wish others were here to bear me out - although it is not generally known - I was the last man that ever came out of the Charge to answer my name. Out of the four hundred and seventy men who went into the charge only one hundred and ninety eight answered to their names and a great proportion of them were wounded. In my opinion, the Charge was the outcome of jealousy. I have heard that the Retreat was sounded but I did not hear it and even if I had it was impossible to go back for there would have been more destruction. Then those of us left behind had to face the Crimea, but you might put that as nothing compared with the severe winter which followed. We had water to drink which the horses refused and the poor animals were so hungry that they ate each other's tails. Comparatively speaking we had no clothes and we had to carry our own shot to the front and to stand to for many hours in mud up to our knees and then - tired as we were - to be ready at any moment's notice for the worst. I think the Charge of the Six Hundred did good because it created such an impression in the eyes of Europe - and the Russians - that they were very careful afterwards how they dealt with our forces. I am glad to represent one of the Six Hundred and I am pleased that Tamworth appreciates me as such. I can claim a little credit for making the Empire what it is. The Volunteer forces are of great service and I believe they will do as they are bid. If they are ever led into such a trap as the Light Brigade were though I hope they come out of it as well as the Six Hundred." [Source: Tamworth Herald, Saturday 20th November 1897, page 8 column 3. Headed "Speech by a survivor of the 600", it was delivered at the Court House, the Prince of Wales Inn, on Wednesday evening of 17th November 1897. John Edden was a guest at the Anniversary dinner in connection with the Court Sir Robert Peel A. O. of Foresters. We are grateful to Roy Ashwood, a descendant, for providing further details of this event. ]

209 EDDEN, John An affidavit by John Edden was filed in the Cardigan-Calthorpe law-suit in June 1863:

1. I have 12 years' service. I was in the 4th Light Dragoons on the 25th of October 1854 and I remember the charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade at Balaclava on that day. On that occasion I was in the left squadron of the 4th Light Dragoons, in the front rank, and about the centre of the squadron.

2. As we were charging up to the Russian battery and were within about 300 yards of it we met Lord Cardigan returning to the rear. He was on a chestnut horse and being quite alone, was cantering back. I am well acquainted with Lord Cardigan's appearance and am therefore able to swear positively that it was him. He was to the left of our regiment. . .

3. We then charged through the guns, and while we were at the rear of the guns I heard Lord George Paget ask where Lord Cardigan was. Captain Low said that he had got back; and then Lord Paget ordered us to reform on the 17th, but someone said they were not the 17th, but the enemy, and Lord George then gave the order to retire. My horse got shot just after this and I did not get back until after the remnants of the regiment had formed up.

4. The fact of Lord Cardigan's returning was immediately talked of after among the regiment, and has often been talked of amongst us since. "

This is from Crider p54 - not proofread] Source:

Affidavit filed in the Cardigan v Calthorpe lawsuit fr unident press clippings courtesy of Rod Burman

AFFIDAVIT of JOHN EDDEN. a Private in the A. Troop of the 4th Hussars. now stationed at Newbridge, in Ireland, formerly the 4th Light Dragoons; sworn 29th May, 1863; filed 2nd June, 1863. SAY as follows:

1. l have twelve years' service. I was in the 4th Light Dragoons on the 25th October. 1854, and I remember the charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade at the battle of Balaklava on that day. On that occasion I was in the left squadron of the 4th Dragoons, in the front rank, about the centre of the squadron.

2. As we were charging up to the Russian battery, and within about 300 yards of it, we met Lord Cardigan returning to the rear. He was on a chestnut horse. and quite alone, and was cantering back. I was well acquainted with Lord Cardigan's appearance and am therefore able to swear most positively that it was him. He was to the left of our regiment.

3. We then charged through the guns, and while we were in the rear of the guns I heard Lord George Paget ask where Lord Cardigan was. Captain Lowe said he had got back; and Lord George Paget then ordered us to reform on the 17th, but some one said they were not the l7th, but the enemy, and Lord George then gave the order to retire. My horse was shot just after this, and I did not get back until the remains of the regiment was formed up.

4. The fact of Lord Cardigan's returning was immediately after talked of among the regiment, and has often been talked of amongst us since.

210 EDDEN, John

211 EDDEN, Edden

Extract of a letter written from The Crimea to his sister by Private John Edden with a commentary by the newspaper which published it, Preston Guardian, Saturday 8 September 1855

Letter from Balaklava A long and spirited letter, dated `Balaklava, August 24th, ' has been received in this town, by his sister, from John Edden, a private in the 4th Light Dragoons. We have been permitted to make the following extracts: - I dare say you would be very glad to see me come home, but now I am here I must put up with all the inconveniences I can. I am out here with the intention of fighting for my country, and that is all I think of at present; as we are here we must do it, and for the future it will be a lesson to our enemies. I could not be altogether satisfied when I was well off, but now I forget all that. You have talked to me about a sweetheart: - when I was at home I had plenty, but there are none here. I do not know who would refuse to come out to protect such pretty girls as yourself; some might think it hard, but I do not - I am as happy as a prince, I let nothing trouble me, and I find it the best way. As for being shot, it might be my fate to-morrow, but I do not think of that; if every one was to do so, we never should get on at all. After experiencing all I have gone through, one might be sure he would escape; but the Lord knows best. After that charge of the Light Cavalry at Balaklava I think that we do deserve a name. I have been over the ground since several times, and there may yet be seen the remains of the horses that were killed, and the places where the men were buried. There was another attack by the Russians at the same place on the 18th of August, which was the first time that the Sardinians were engaged, and they proved themselves good soldiers. I was present on that occasion, but had not the pleasure of doing anything, though I expect I shall before many days have passed over. There will be another hard fight. . . If I have the pleasure of coming home I dare say I shall be able to come and see you; but if I do come I don't know whether you will be able to know me, for I am 6 feet 5 inches high now. I was very small when we left home; but no matter; we are all here now; and when the war is over it will be `See, the conquering hero comes!' A soldier is a little thought of now; but at one time it used to be `We have to keep you; ' - that was often thrown in our faces. . . I should send you many more letters than I do, but don't like to send them without stamps, and we cannot get them here. . . The town of Sevastopol is knocked all to pieces, but there are three towers that will give us a great deal to do before we can take them; it is my opinion that the place will fall before long, which will ease the minds of a great many in England. . . There has been a good deal of talk of another attack upon Sebastopol, but it is not known when it will be made; when it is made we are sure to have it. Many would think that what we see here would bring the tears to our eyes; but it would not do for a British soldier to let that get over him. I was at a place called Baidar three weeks, and after we returned the Russians made a grand attack upon us, but they have got what they did not bargain for. . . I dare say you have got what I sent in the letter, and the few hairs out of my horse's tail - take care of them for he is the one that can carry me to battle. . . shadowsoftime. co. nz/johneddenletters1. html

212 EDDEN, John

Affidavit criticised in Cardigan-Calthorpe in Cardigan's pamphlet [transcribed PB April 2016] 6. John Edden, Private in the 4th Light Dragoons -- "Met Lord Cardigan returning to the rear, 300 yards from the battery -- he passed to the left of the 4th Light Dragoons -- Lord George Puget inquired after him. Impossible -- he could not have passed to the left of the 4th Light Dragoons -- Lord George Paget should not have asked such a question -- Lord Cardigan had nothing to do with supporting Regiments.

213 EDMONDS, Edward 1008

Letter from Private Edward Edmonds (number 1008), 4th Light Dragoons, to his wife in Littlehampton. llI left the Regimental hospital, under the walls of Sebastopol, or rather the tent appropriated for the sick, on the 28th last month [November] , and went on board ship at Balaklava, were her [PB; ???} left on the 4th December, and arrived here on the 13th. We had on board 250 - I was going to say men - but I do not know what to call them, unless I call them the wrecks of good men - but our number was sadly reduced on our arrival at Scutaria [rig Scutari] . Oh! What a tale might be told - it would defy my poor, simple, abilities to give the least idea of such a scene. Scarcely a morning came but two or three bodies were sewn up in a blanket and carried on shore while we were in harbour, or thrown overboard at sea. I must now tell you something of our reception at Scutaria Hospital. On our arrival we were put into a clean, warm room, stripped of our I mean worldly - rags; our poor bodies were washed of their filth; we were put into clean beds, with plenty of clean good clothing, and supplied with arrow-root and wine by the charitable Miss Nightingale and her Christian band. No one could sufficiently describe the kindness and attention of that lady to the unfortunate. Every man can get a flannel shirt, 3 pair of drawers and socks from her, by requisition signed by the Surgeon of the war, and there is no stint of anything on her part to make the sick and weak comfortable. Oh! what a pattern she is to the ladies in England. I fear you will think this is a strange letter; but I have been called away very often, for as I am convalescent, it is my duty to render assistance to the helpless which I have received from others. What would I not give to see you and my dear boy now. Oh! what a change in two years: but I have another longing - it is for the blessing of health that I may return to my duty, for after the Alma and Inkermann, with all the hardships I have endured, I should not like to lose the honour of being present at the fall of Sebastopol.

214 Edwards

Margrave lists as: Edwards, A Short History of the 4th Queens Own Hussars. In British Library

224 FARQUHARSON, Robert

Check Crider p.56. FARQUHARSON TRANSCRIPT Complete but needs checking against original [PB: but which "original" exactly? e. g. it would be a good idea to go through and indicate differences with the NEWCASTLE COURANT version e. g.

REMINISCENCE OF CRIMEAN CAMPAIGNING AND RUSSIAN IMPRISONMENT

BY "ONE OF THE "SIX HUNDRED"

PREFACE In presenting this book to the public, I do not pretend to give a historical account of the great struggle before Sebastopol, which terminated so gloriously in favour of the Allied Armies; but rather to narrate, in a plain, unvarnished way, incidents that occurred to my companions and myself in the face of the enemy and during a dreary captivity of twelve months in Russia. The greater part of the narrative has already been printed in the columns of the Glasgow Evening Times, but I have been induced by a number of friends and acquaintances, who had not the opportunity of reading it in that newspaper, to republish it in book form. The Author [signed] Robert Stuart Farquharson

4 CONTENTS.

PAGE Chap. I. "Eastward, Ho!" 5 II. Opening the Campaign 12III. Foraging and other Incidents 22IV. Balaclava 28 V. "Into the Valley of Death'' 38VI. In the hands of the Philistines 46 VII. Prisoners on the March 58VIII. Pursued by Wolves - a close shave 70IX. My worst experience 78X. Deserters 90 XI. En Route to Odessa - a "Row" 96XII. "The Order of Release " 102

[5] CHAPTER I. "EASTWARD, HO!" ON 17th July, 1854 - how time passes! - I embarked with my regiment, the 4th (Queen's Own) Light Dragoons, on board the transport steamer Simla, at Devonport, and, two days afterwards, amidst loud acclamations, some of a sorrowful and some of a cheering description, we left Old England. We were a merry company, and not naturally inclined to be downcast; but as the shores of England faded from our view, we could not help thinking of the probabilities of ever returning. These sad thoughts however were short-lived. We were all embued with the martial spirit, and we glowed with enthusiasm as we looked forward to the opportunities which the campaign was likely to afford of serving a not ungrateful country, and winning glory "even at the cannon's mouth." Buoyant as were our spirits, however, we could not fight against the common enemy of landlubbers, and even at this early period we had a foretaste of the troubles that were in store for us. Whilst crossing the Bay of Biscay we encountered a storm, which at one time was so alarming that the captain of the vessel told our colonel, Lord George Paget, that if it did not abate in a quarter of an hour he would be obliged to throw the horses overboard. The characteristic reply

[6] was, "Do what you like with the horses, but save my men." There was no necessity however to sacrifice the horses, as the storm abated as suddenly as it had come upon us. We passed through the Straits of Gibraltar on the 22nd, and, three days afterwards, got into the harbour of Malta, where a supply of coal and water was taken on board. Whilst lying here we were subjected to the usual annoyance on the part of the natives, a set of arrant thieves, who came buzzing about us like a swarm of bees, stealing everything they could lay their hands on. Their excuse for coming on board was of course to trade. Their bumboats contained an assortment of all the produce of the island, such as bread, cheese, butter, melons, grapes, and oranges, besides a great variety of hardware, trinkets, pictures, &c. It was in this harbour that I got my first lesson in swimming; and a little incident occurs to me which I may just mention. A number of us were bathing at the side of the ship, when a sentry on deck shouted out, "A shark! a shark!" Of course there was a scramble to get back to the water-boat, and one fellow was almost drowned. However, we all ultimately regained the deck of the vessel in safety, and then discovered that the sentry had been "larking" at our expense. To show how much his joke was appreciated, two or three of the men who had been thus alarmed caught hold of him, and in a twinkling pitched him overboard, belts, boots, spurs and all. As the drop was somewhere about 20 feet to the surface of the water, he made a bit of a splash, and he went nearer to the bottom than he had

[7] ever anticipated. On coming to the surface, which he did in due course, he yelled for help. This was at once afforded him, and it may be readily imagined that he reached the deck a wetter, but it is to be hoped, a wiser man. At ten o'clock in the forenoon of the 20th, we took our departure for Constantinople, and got to the entrance to the Dardanelles on the 28th, just an hour after sunset. Consequently we were obliged to east anchor and remain where we were until the following morning, it being a strict regulation of the Turkish Government that no vessel, of whatever description or nationality, shall enter the Dardanelles after sun-down. The result of attempting to break through this rule would be that the forts on either side of the entrance would do their level best to blow the vessel out of the water. At six o'clock next morning, we got up anchor again, and were about entering the Dardanelles when a British man-of-war signalled that she wanted to be towed to Constantinople. Our captain was so much annoyed at the delay which this would cause that he took no notice of the signalling, whereon an officer of the man-of-war boarded us, and politely wished to know why the signals had been disregarded. He accepted the excuse put forward by our skipper that he had not understood them, and we had to take the war ship in tow. The result was that we did not get into Constantinople until the 30th of July instead of the 29th. Having taken in a fresh supply of coal and water at "Stamboul, " we started for our final destination by steamer - namely, Varna - where we arrived on 3rd

[8] August. We commenced to disembark the same evening. I landed with the first party, and by the time we got to the camp, which was about three miles uphill from the beach (Bulgarian Heights) it was quite dark, so that we had to ask the assistance of the 28th Foot to help us to pitch our tents. This was cheerfully granted, and was a great obligation, as we had quite enough to do with our horses, which were almost mad with joy at finding themselves on shore again. That evening may be said to have commenced my campaigning. I slept outside of the tent with a cloak over me, the inside being so crowded and hot. On the 4th we finished the disembarkation of the regiment, and on the 5th we commenced to lose men by cholera. The horses, too, suffered much from the intense heat of the sun, so that we had to bandage their eyes with wet cloths. On the 7th I was laid down with cholera, and carried to hospital. That same night the doctor told our hospital sergeant-major that he thought I would be gone before two o'clock in the morning. This was a mistake, as it turned out; for when he came round at 6 a. m. next day to visit his patients he found me sitting up in bed drinking some hot tea that had been given me. However, I had to stop in hospital until the 10th. I got a terrible shake; so much so that when I got out and returned to our troop my own comrade didn't know me. Before going into hospital I weighed 10st. 61b. ; coming out I scarcely weighed 8st., - a considerable loss in three days. Of course I was excused from active duty until I got stronger, 9so I used to amuse myself with a billhook cutting branches from the trees which grew on the slope of the heights, near to the edge of which we were encamped. One day while thus engaged I was accosted by a Greek, who wanted to have a look at my billhook. Not at all liking his appearance, I gave him a wide berth, and whilst he was still chattering, I heard a noise, and thereafter a party of some 30 or 40 Sappers and Miners came up in hot haste. Upon seeing them, my friend the Greek made a bound to the branch of a tree on the very edge of the cliff, and, swinging from one branch to another with the nimbleness of a monkey, away he went down the steep descent. The Sappers rushed up to me, and asked if I had seen a Greek. I replied that I certainly had, and pointed out the direction in which he had gone. Looking down, they caught a glimpse of him, now far below; and, although they, sent several shots in his direction, I think the rascal got clear away. On asking what was the matter, I was told that one of their sergeants had been found brutally murdered in his tent that morning, and that a Greek had been seen skulking out shortly before the discovery; these cut-throats being in the habit of coming about the camp on pretence of hawking all sorts of rubbish. I told the men that the fellow wanted to have a look at my billhook, and they congratulated me on the escape I had made in declining to oblige him. Another of this man's compatriots did not get of so easily while we were here. One evening when some of our men were waiting their turn

[10] to get water from a well that had been made near the camp, up came an officer's servant, a Greek, on the same errand, and made to push his way forward at once. He was told to stand back and take his turn, upon which he became indignant and declared he would wait for no one. Thereupon a man of the 4th Foot pushed him back out of the way. The Greek retorted by striking the man, and then challenging him to a fistfight. The challenge was accepted, and a ring was formed in a second or two, but before either of the combatants got at the other, some one cried, "Look out! The Greek has a knife up his sleeve!" He was at once seized by the crowd, and, sure enough, there was a long, nasty-looking poniard up his right sleeve. I should mention that two or three foul murders had been committed already in the camp, and this treachery so enraged the men that, without the preliminary of a trial, they there and then took him by the legs, with his head downward, and smashed his brains out on the rocky ground. Ah! there was some rough and ready work in the way of reprisals in the East in those days; and I had to see more of it, as the reader who follows me will learn. About the 18th or 19th of August a great fire broke out in Varna, by which the destruction of property was immense. . Most of our clothing, boots, &c., went with the rest, as well as our stores of liquor. The authorities strongly, suspected that the Greeks of Varna were the persons who caused the fire, and that wilfully. At all events, a number of the latter [word missing: caused? ]

[11] suspicion. The French and Turkish soldiers dragged some of them up to where the fire was raging fiercest and threw them into the flames. Others were tied up and flogged to death, and about thirty were put into confinement until the following morning, when they were taken before the French Commander-in-Chief, who sentenced some to be shot, some to be flogged, and others to be banished from the place. Men who had been sent to the spot on fatigue duty told me that the morning after the fire broke out, both British and French soldiers were to be seen lying on the streets helpless, in consequence of drinking the spirits that had been emptied into the gutter to prevent it igniting. The fire lasted for a week, and we had a grand view of it from our camp-ground, which commanded a prospect right across the bay into the town.

12 CHAPTER II. OPENING THE CAMPAIGN. We remained at Varna - the whole district round about takes its name from the town - until the 2nd of September, when the order came to embark, and in the same vessel, as it happened, that had brought us from England. Our destination was the Crimea, where we all flattered ourselves we had only to show in front of Sebastopol and the place would surrender at discretion. Those who lived discovered the mistake. The first wing of our regiment commenced to embark on the 2nd September, and on the day following I found myself once more walking the deck of the Simla, I think. I never felt so happy at making any change as I did that day. I had been fretting very much at Varna; the sight of so many comrades being carried away every day to be buried had a sad, depressing effect. Cholera raged most terribly in the camp, and victims were being buried at the rate of sixty a day! As showing how rapidly it carried off its victims, I may just mention the case of Sam Turner, an officer's servant, and one of the best men in our regiment. He and I had arranged to go together to a little place about a mile from our camp, called Greek-town, to make a few purchases. Just as we were stating, about 10 o'clock, Sam's master called out for him, so he told me to walk on

[13] and he would overtake me. I strolled slowly along till I came to the Cemetery, where a lot of men of different regiments were busy digging graves. I waited here a short time, and then went on to Greek-town. I called at the bazaar there (every town and village in Turkey has its bazaar), and, after spending about half-an-hour in the place, I took the road back to the camp. Passing by the Cemetery again saw a fatigue-party of my own regiment digging a grave. I asked who this was for; and my feelings may be imagined when they told me it was for poor Sam Turner. He had been seized by cholera immediately after my parting with him and died; and he was buried before I got back to camp, for I met the funeral party a little way farther on. The occurrence gave me such a shock that I could not return with them to the grave to see the last of one of the best fellows I ever met in the British army. [PB: The Newcastle Courant, 1 August 1891, version continues: "Turner was a good soldier, and was highly respected by all the officers and men in the regiment. "] Thus it was that I had got heart-sick of the camp at Varna. Getting on board the Simla again, however, I regained both my spirits and appetite, and by the time we landed in the Crimea I was almost as stout and strong as ever. On 4th September we steamed of for Balchik Bay, where the fleet was king. Balchik, viewed from the water at least is a very pretty place; the buildings are in the Turkish style, with towering minarets here, there, and everywhere. Here we stopped until the whole of the expedition was ready, and then commenced the voyage together to the Crimea. I don't think it possible to conceive anything grander or more impressive than the sailing

[14] of that immense fleet. There was about 900 sail of all descriptions. We went at a very slow rate of speed, because we had to keep in line with our divisions, exactly in the same way as a line of soldiers would do on parade. At night every vessel hoisted as many signal lights as corresponded with the number of the division to which the troops on board belonged. Thus, as we on board the Simla belonged to the Fifth Division, five lights were shown at her mizzenmast. The men-of-war vessels were distinguished by different coloured lights, and the smaller gun-boats always kept outside to reconnoitre, and when the fleet was in full motion it was, as I have said, a magnificent sight. We got to Eupatoria on 16th September, where the Agamemnon, Retribution, Terrible, and one or two other war ships "lay to'' off the town, and demanded its surrender. After waiting about half-an-hour or so, the Governor of the place came out and surrendered the place to an officer of the Agamemnon, who then went ashore with a flag of truce. The ships I have just named remained at Eupatoria, while the remainder of the expedition proceeded to Old Fort, a place some 16 miles to the southward, nearer to Sebastopol. On the 17th the allied armies commenced to disembark. I landed at Old Fort on the 18th. By eight o'clock on that evening an army more than 50,000 men had been landed in Crimea without the least opposition from the enemy. Whilst we were disembarking a portion of the fleet went on towards Sebastopol to deceive the enemy, who fully believed we would endeavour to land close to Alma, where

[15] tremendous batteries had been erected with which to blow our force to smithereens should an attempt be made to land. On the afternoon of the 18th, a party of our men were ordered out to reconnoitre the country and bring in as many carts and horses, or bullocks, as could be found. I accompanied them as trumpeter. Throwing out an advance guard, we trotted off, feeling a little excited, no doubt, for we were now in the enemy's country - might expect a brush with him at any moment - and none of us had as yet smelt powder in the field. By and by we came to a place where there were one or two miserable-looking mud-houses. Getting hold of a native who was lounging at the door of one of them, our commanding officer tried to make him comprehend what we wanted. Just then one of our party observed the top of a lance above the corner of one of the cabins. Thinking we had been entrapped, we galloped towards the spot sword in hand, ready for any emergency; but before we reached the spot a Cossack soldier rushed from his shelter and galloped inland as fast as his wretched little pony could carry him. We did not think it worth while pursuing him, but returned to our regiment, having been away for about four hours. I may state that we managed to get a few carts and some Tartar drivers. On the 19th we commenced our march on Sebastopol, and bivouacked that night about eight miles from Alma. Our Light Cavalry (the Heavy did not leave Varna with the expedition) had a skirmish with some of the enemy's, which lasted about half-an-hour.

[16] Two of our men were mortally wounded in the encounter, and five horses were killed; but the enemy caught it rather severely, our horse artillery playing havoc with them. The 4th Light Dragoons was not in that skirmish. We formed part of the rear-guard of the army. At seven o'clock in the morning of the 20th September we resumed our march, and at about noon heard the sound of distant cannonading. Continuing our march towards the Alma, we came within range of the enemy's guns. We were then ordered to halt, and keep a sharp lookout on our rear, it being thought probable that an. attack might be made from that direction. After waiting for some time, and no appearance having been made by the enemy, we were ordered to dismount, for the horses were tired, and the weather was very hot. Fatigued with the heat, I sat down on the ground by the side of my horse, and was soon fast asleep. I was roused all at once by a comrade giving me a kick in the ribs, and exclaiming hurriedly, "Jump up, if you don't want your head taken off." I was up in a moment, and then learned that some round shot had been sent into the neighbourhood of our temporary quarters, but fortunately no one had been hurt. We were at once ordered to mount again; and there we sat on our horses watching the battle of the Alma. And an imposing and awfully grand sight it was - especially to those who, like myself, had never seen an engagement before. The battle of the Alma was commenced by our shipping opening fire on the enemy's batteries overlooking the sea; with which, as

[17] I said before, they hoped to destroy us while endeavouring to land at that point. From the point where our regiment was stationed we got a magnificent view of the dreadful encounter. We could see our infantry advancing up the hill towards the Russian batteries, apparently as cool and collected as if on a parade ground at home, and that too in the face of a perfect storm of grape and canister, round shot and shell. Still onward they went, no man attempting, in the meantime to fire a shot. When a short distance from the batteries, a shout of defiance was heard that might have frightened his Satanic Majesty, and a brilliant charge was made right up to the muzzles of the guns. Then it was that our troops opened fire, every shot telling. It was useless for the Russians to try to stem that tide, so they turned to the right-about and fled helter-skelter. But the allied troops were not done with them. Our artillery came up and opened on them a galling fire of grape that knocked them down by hundreds; and when they got too far away for small shot, the gunners sent after them as much round shot (9 and 12 pounders) and shell as should have sufficed to satisfy them for the rest of the war. In course of the fight the enemy's cavalry made an attempt to come down upon our infantry. Seeing this movement, our colonel ordered us to gallop forward and threaten them. The effect of this manoeuvre was to make the enemy right about face and return to their own quarters. The French, who occupied the extreme right of the line of operation, fought very well during the day.

[18] The shipping cleared the way a good deal for them by destroying the Russian batteries in that direction. Prince Menschikoff, it was said, had given us six weeks to take the Alma heights, and no doubt he was greatly surprised to find his strong positions stormed and his well-appointed army thoroughly disorganised and routed in the short space of two hours and a half. After the battle was over and the troops had taken up their different positions - that of our regiment being on the top of the heights we took our horses clown to the little river Alma to water them, and we also wanted to fill our water bottles. But we found the water not fit for use; and it was necessary, therefore, to go up the stream to a point "here it had not been polluted with the blood of desperate men. A great many wounded men were lying and sitting on the banks, and at one place a Russian was in the water itself. A good-natured Englishman, a sergeant of foot, seeing his plight assisted him out. Having got him on the bank he was making the poor fellow as comfortable as possible under the circumstances, when the Russ suddenly drew out a short, sharp sword from its sheath, and with it struck his benefactor across the hand, chopping off two fingers. The current of compassion instantly dried up, and a well-directed blow sent the ungrateful rascal to his account. We soon dad our horses watered and our bottles filled, and struck back for the [?] . On the way the village of Alma was [?] but the whole place was a mass of [smouldering?] ruins. The Russians had set

[19] fire to it before the battle began. Having got back to camp, and had everything made as snug as possible, I went to the quarters of the 68th Foot to see an old chum. Together we had a walk over the battlefield, whereon were hundreds of dead, dying, and wounded soldiers strewn about in all directions. So dreadful a sight I never wish to look upon again. Near the half-moon battery (Russian) our soldiers were to be seen lying in heaps - Foot-Guardsmen Highlanders, light infantry, in horrible confusion. Just here we came upon the dead body of a Russian bugler, who bad been shot both through the head and breast. He had a very nice bugle at his side, which I unfastened and took away with me. I afterwards sold it to an officer of ours, for 5s and a glass of grog. We bivouacked on the heights of Alma until the morning of the 23d, during which time we were busily employed in burying the dead and carrying the wounded down to the hospital ships carrying again we lost a number of men by cholera. They used to go down to the vineyards and gorge themselves with grapes and peaches; then they were seized with cramps and died. On the 23d we continued the march on Sebastopol, and that night bivouacked in the valley of the Katcha, where the Scots Greys joined us - unfortunately just three days "after the fair." Had they been present at the battle of the Alma our light cavalry could have pursued the enemy, and very probably have captured every one of their guns. In this valley was a large and finely-furnished house belonging to a Russian Prince. On a foraging expedition

[20] our men got into it, and dismantled it in a very short time. All the costly, handsome furniture was knocked into firewood, whilst a large mirror was brought outside and smashed into pieces with the butt-end of a carbine, as many of the men as could manage it securing each a piece to serve him at his camp toilet! On the 25th a flank march was executed which brought us to the Tchernaya valley, where we bivouacked till next morning, and then marched on to Balaclava. On the first day of this march the 4th Light Dragoons were ordered to gallop down to a valley some three miles to the left, and keep guard there over some of our artillerymen who were engaged in blowing up portions of a Russian ammunition train. It appears that on that morning the Scots Greys had suddenly dropped across the rearguard of a force of the enemy, which caused the latter to hurry off, leaving the ammunition waggons behind him. On our arriving at the valley in question we were saluted by a volley of musketry from a Cossack picket, who had been watching the operations of our artillerymen. We advanced a few men in skirmishing-order, who very soon drove the Cossacks away, and then we waited a little until the first waggon should go off, which it did with as loud an explosion as I ever heard. It caused our horses to tremble with fear and my head to strike the front of my saddle. We could see the Russian forces a long way off - I should say about five miles to the rear; and as the waggons exploded one after the other, they (the enemy) moved off and got into battle array. In the Tchernaya valley we had for near neighbours a

[21] corps of French Zouaves, who did some rare plundering. After pitching our tent I went out myself to see if I could pick up anything in the way of provisions, and a short way out net some half-dozen of these nimble foragers flying because of an alarm of Cossacks. One fellow was so overladen with poultry and vegetables, and in such a hurry homeward, that he dropped a fine fat goose, and had not time to pick it up again. I willingly performed this operation in his stead, and the alarm being a false one, leisurely returned with my cackler to camp. We had a good supper that night, and, besides, I swopped a leg of the fowl with our sergeant-major for an extra tot of grog.

[RE-START EDITING HERE] [22] CHAPTER IIIFORAGING AND OTHER INCIDENTS. ON the 27th we marched into the valley of Balaclava, where we were ordered to dismount and give the horses a little rest. In about half an hour thereafter an order came from Lord Raglan that the 4th Light Dragoons were to trot frontwards and cover the advance of the army whilst the latter took up position in front of Sebastopol. Off we went, pleased enough to get rid of the arduous duties of the rear-guard. Coming to the front we threw out a squadron into skirmishing order, and advanced at a slow pace till we came to the top of the hill on the south side of Sebastopol, where we had a glorious view of the doomed city. It was a fine summer evening, the atmosphere as clear as any the poet could imagine, or the painter depict. The golden-domed churches and tapering minarets sparkled awl glittered in the declining rays of the sinking sun, while the long lines of well-built houses, the barracks, and the tremendous fortifications were spread out before our gaze like a panorama. Everything seemed to be so quiet in the city that one "old almost fancy the inhabitants were either dead or asleep. My attention was so engrossed by the beauty of the scene that I almost forgot where I was until I saw a wreath

[23] of white smoke rising from a battery on the south side, and immediately there was the report of a big gun. The Russians had opened fire on a steamer of ours, which I suppose had come rather close to the shore. The British vessel had no intention to let that game be one-sided, and it therefore returned the compliment with interest. Meantime, while we were patrolling the hills in skirmishing order, a gun was let loose at us, and a solid 68-pounder immediately came tumbling into our midst. No one was hurt, though. In about an hour afterwards we were ordered in. It happened, however, that a few men had extended their position a long way to the right, and I was ordered to sound, "Skirmishers in." For obeying this order I was soundly rated by our adjutant, who wanted to know if I wished "to learn the enemy our calls." Whether they benefited by the lesson or not, I feel convinced that I was the first trumpeter or bugler who sounded a British call before Sebastopol. In due course we got in and rejoined the other squadron, and then took up our position close to a potato-garden, where we picketed our horses. The 2nd squadron (I belonged to the 1st) was immediately ordered out on a foraging expedition, for the benefit of both men and horses, but more especially the latter - the poor brutes having had nothing to eat since early morning. When the men of the 2nd were thus engaged, we of the 1st made a grand attack upon the potato-garden and vineyard. I was busy filling my haversack with all sorts of vegetables I could lay hands on, when a hare was started.

[24] We could not resist the temptation to have some fun at pussy's expense, and I dare say for a few minutes there was more genuine excitement than might be witnessed on the best coursing field in England. Some of the men pursued the hare sword in hand, others tried the murderous effect of throwing their water-bottles, and others again pelted with the potatoes they had just dug from the earth. At last, one fellow caught the chase by tiling flat on its top, and then the hunt was up. That night the peculiar mixture of boiled potatoes and grapes formed an important portion of the supper in many of our tents. We subsequently took up our position near to the windmill on the Inkerman heights, where we remained for a few days, on one of which some of us had narrow escapes, owing to the kind and pertinacious attentions of the enemy. One morning, when I wanted some water for cooking purposes, I had to go down a ravine not far from the camp. Here there was a large hole or basin in the ground, into which our Sappers had diverted the water by cutting the conduits which supplied the town. When this was full to overflowing, the water ran in a stream down the ravine, and our found it very useful for washing clothing, &c. The hole I found surrounded by scores of men, all filling their water-bottles. I managed to get mine filled, and was just leaving. the place when I heard an unearthly screaming noise overhead, and in a couple of seconds a big shell which had been thrown from Sebastopol fell right into the water hole and there exploded. The men went rolling

[25about in all directions, and many of them, myself amongst the number, got a thorough drenching - scarcely a drop of water being left in the hole; but not one of us received a scratch. Making my way back to camp as quickly as possible, I again heard the same wild screaming, and immediately another shell from the same quarter fell close in front of me - not more, I should say, than six or seven yards off. I at once threw myself on the ground, lying as flat as possible, face downwards, and in a few seconds the thing burst with a fearfully loud explosion. I then got up, covered with dust and dirt, and, on examination, found that the shell had excavated a hole in the ground big enough to bury a horse in. From the windmill we were ordered to a position about a couple of miles to the left or south side of the city, and here also we had some bits of adventure, more funny than fatal, however, on the whole. There was not far off a recently deserted dwelling-house of decent size, to which we used to send a picket of cavalry with another of infantry to bring off the doors, windows, flooring - in short, anything that would burn - for firewood. [COURANT version is longer here. ] The Russians found this out before long, and fairly shelled us away from the place. Then we wanted firewood badly; so one morning a party of men belonging to my troop made up their minds to go out on a foraging expedition. Accordingly away they went, straight in the direction of the city, until our men on vidette (the look-out) cautioned them not to go any further, as a party of Cossacks were not far off in front. To this warning the

[26adventurers paid no heed, but pushed ahead, and presently found themselves in the very lines where the Cossacks had picketed their horses that same morning - the nest still warm as it were. The fact was that they had simply gone away to reconnoitre; and, intending to return, had left all their picket-posts and various utensils on the ground. It was just such a chance as our boys wanted; so "annexing" all the picket-posts and a wheel-barrow they made off. They had scarcely got a hundred yards on the way back when the Cossacks from a distance observed them and gave chase. Our fellows, however, were not going to part with their plunder if they could help it; so, sticking to their posts, and also to the wheel-barrow, and each putting his best foot foremost; they succeeded in getting up to our videttes before the Cossacks could overtake them. Seeing this, the latter - reluctantly, no doubt - abandoned the pursuit; whilst our men came into the lines with the spoil amid the hearty cheers and laughter of those waiting for firewood to cook the morning meal. Again, one night while a number of our men were sitting round the campfire watching the pots in which supper was being boiled, an unwelcome 68-pounder shot dropped into the middle of the fire, knocking all our pots to the mischief [our?] sending us rolling over like skittle-pins. When we came to ourselves presently, unhurt but supperless, our blessing on the Muscovite were both deep and truly sincere. The following morning another 68-pounder came into our lines, again causing no damage however. It was picked up

[27] by a Welshman of ours, who, putting it on his shoulder, went and offered it for a tot of grog to the Quartermaster. The latter, though not seeing that it would be of much use to him, gave Taffy the grog. Two or three days after this incident, we were obliged to retire 500 yards farther away from the city, because the enemy had got our range to a nicety, and was uncomfortably persistent in proving the fact. By making this change we fancied that we "should be beyond them, but to our surprise they continued to pitch their shells so neatly into our lines that we did not know which way to go. We accordingly retired other 500 yards, and immediately thereafter we made a discovery. We found out that there was a spy in our camp, and that wherever we moved to this treacherous rascal signalled the bearings to Sebastopol. He was caught, however, at his treacherous work, and promptly hanged for it.

[28] CHAPTER IV BALACLAVA DAY.

ABOUT the 5th or 6th October we went back to the north side of the town, near to Inkerman windmill, where we had been before. Here we remained until the 12th, when we received orders to change our position to Balaclava Valley, where the whole of the cavalry division was encamped. Nothing of any consequence, so far as we were concerned, happened there. [COURANT version is longer here. ] On the morning of the 21st I mounted picket with some twenty men for vidette duty at No. 1 Turkish redoubt, which commanded the pass that led from the "Valley of Death" to the Black River. We remained at our post that day and night without any disturbance from the enemy. About five o'clock next morning the officer in command of the picket ordered a party of 12 men, of whom I was one, to mount and go on a reconnoitring expedition. We mounted and away we went in the direction of the Traktir Bridge, which crosses the Black River. Arrived at place, we were ordered to water our horses; and, while doing so, we observed a party of Cossacks some two hundred yards off on [other?] side of the river, formed round one man. [They?] seemed to be talking about us, as they [constantly?] pointed in our direction, and were [evidently?] scheming how to entrap us. As we

[29] were away from our own ground and well into the enemy's, we were immediately ordered to remount and retire. At the same time the order was given to "draw swords, " and to open out a horse's length from each other. Then we were told, should the enemy attack us, to keep well together and meet them boldly. We did not trot, but walked quietly out of the pass until we got into the open valley, which was commanded by our own batteries. Then we broke into a trot, and were making our way towards No. 1 redoubt when we heard behind us the sound of horses galloping and men shouting; and, looking round, we saw about 200 Cossacks galloping into the pass which we had just left. They doubtless thought they had ensnared us; but we had been a little too quick for them, and were now under cover of our own guns. They however did not deem it prudent to make an attack. We returned to our old post, where we remained until relieved by another picket party at 10 a. m. On reaching the camp, our officer reported to Lord Lucan what had just occurred. That same afternoon I was sitting in the lines writing a letter, when suddenly the trumpets sounded the "turn-out." The enemy had shown themselves in force at the pass where we had been reconnoitring in the morning. Our regiment was ordered to gallop to the front and cover the horse artillery guns, which had been placed in position on the left of No. 1 Turkish redoubt. We did so, and remained there till nine o'clock in the evening, when we retired into the Balaclava Valley, where the

[30] whole of the cavalry formed into line. We then dismounted, and stood to our horses all night, expecting the enemy would make a night attack. At about six o'clock next morning (23rd) orders were given to come in to the lines and get breakfast. We were ready enough for it, having had nothing to eat since dinner time the day previously; but we scarcely had time to take the bits out of our horses' mouths when an order came from Lord Lucan that a squadron of ours was to go along with him to reconnoitre - the same officer to be in command who had been with us on the morning before. So we turned out again, without our breakfasts, I being of the party, and went down the same road as on the day previous. When we got to the Black River we saw a picket of Cossacks in the Tchernaya Valley, who apparently thought they would catch us this morning. In a few minutes we head a great noise of shouting, and another party of the enemy came galloping towards us, and we thought we really were entrapped. Before they got our length, however, from among the bushes on the rising ground to right and left of them, a volley of musketry was vomited forth that put a speedy cheek to their advance and sent them helter-skelter back the way they had come. It turned out that it was our Cossack friends who had been entrapped, not us. We were only the bait, to draw them into the trap, a detachment of French sharp-shooters having quietly, under cover of night, posted themselves amongst the scrub, on either side of the pass to be in [?] ess to give the Cossacks a warm reception.

[31] I should mention that in this little affair one of the Cossack officers, who rode a white horse, created much admiration by his coolness. Although the ground about him was cut up by the French bullets, he sat still on his horse, looking at us through his field-glass until apparently satisfied, and then he coolly walked away, as though nothing was the matter. I was very glad to see him get safely off, as it would have been a great pity had such a thoroughly brave fellow been killed. We remained reconnoitring till about nine o'clock, when we returned to camp. Then we had breakfast - such as it was - broken biscuits and coffee without milk or sugar. We had the best sauces with it, however - hunger - and the meal was welcome. The next day (24th) was a quiet one in camp. About eight o'clock in the evening rain began to fall, and continued to come down in torrents until 2 a. m., when it abated. At about four o'clock that morning (Wednesday, 25th Oct., 1854), we all turned out as usual, ready for any emergency. At these parades it was the rule for Lord Lucan's aide-de-camp to go round the commanding officers of regiments and gather in their different reports. He then carried these to Lord Lucan, who, after reading them, would give the order for all regiments to return to their lines. On this occasion our officers had given us the order, "Stand to your horses," they, like ourselves, being anxious to get back to breakfast and just us we got the word of command, "File to your lines - bang - bang - bang! went guns from the Turkish redoubts, Looking up to these in

[32] front, we saw all the videttes circling to right and also to left, some of them being at a trot; these combined movements, the reader must know, signalling to us that the enemy were showing themselves with both infantry and cavalry. Well, instead of receiving the word of command which would send us to our breakfast, we got the order "Prepare to mount." The next order was to mount. Galloping off to the front, we took up a position immediately behind the horse artillery, who were on the hill to the left of No. 1 Turkish redoubt. The 13th Light Dragoons were on our right front, and the 8th and 11th Hussars and 17th Lancers on our left rear, whilst the Heavy Brigade took up a position on our right rear. By this time our horse artillery were engaged in a smart artillery action with the Russians; and as we were only about a hundred yards behind them, a few of the enemy's shot came in amongst At the commencement of the attack our Colonel (Lord George Paget) had command of the Light Brigade, consequently he was up at the front, watching the enemy's movements, his trumpeter and orderly being with him. His coolness under fire was remarkable. Once a shell burst close in front of him, and a splinter of it, unobserved by him at the moment, struck his stirrup. Turning round to his orderly, he said - "Parkes, what was that?" "A piece of a shell, my Lord; 'twas pretty nigh takin' your foot off, " 'was the reply. "Well pick it up, and take care of it; I shall send it home to England, said his Lordship. Soon after this little incident Lord Cardigan came up and took command of the brigade,

[33] and Lord George Paget rejoined his own regiment. Not long after the escape of Parkes's master, just mentioned, he had quite as narrow an escape himself. He came into the ranks to get a light for his pipe - for, although we were under a hot fire, many of the men were smoking - and while holding the match inside his shako to be out of the draught, and standing at the same time (and for the same purpose) at the lee side of a horse, a 12-pounder solid shot came flying over the hill, and struck the ground some twenty yards in front of the regiment. From the ground it rebounded right into our ranks, and struck the horse by which Parkes was standing on the neck, killing it on the spot, but leaving him unhurt. Some time after the action commenced, Captain Maude, of the horse artillery, galloped clown to Balaclava to get a "stretcher, " for his battery had been called into action so suddenly that they had neglected to take one with them. Returning shortly with one as he passed our Colonel he said to him, "Well, Lord George, the glorious day of Balaclava has come at last! " In about tire minutes afterwards he was wounded on the left arm by a splinter of a shell, and was carried off the field on the stretcher he had just brought up. As he was being taken past us we could see that he was ghastly pale, but smiling and cheerful too. As the action went on our horse artillery found that they had expended all their ammunition; and this being reported to Lord Lucan, he ordered our whole force at this post to retire, the enemy having now captured Nos. 1, 2, and 3 redoubt, and being

[34] in a position to turn their guns upon us. We accordingly retired by alternate regiments until we got close to our camp, when the Light Brigade was ordered to take up a position on a plateau under the French batteries, where we dismounted. We had not been long here when we heard a great shouting, and saw a number of men running to the side of the hill overlooking the valley. At the same time, the French batteries and the marine batteries on the Balaclava heights opened a tremendous fire upon something which, from where we were placed, we could not see. To make out what it meant a number of our officers trotted to the brow of the hill; and, as I was not far off, I followed - everyone being too much excited at the time to notice this breach of discipline. When I got there, in exciting scene met my gaze. A dense body of Russian cavalry were galloping across the valley towards Balaclava, going straight ahead in spite of the cannonading they were exposed to from the batteries I have mentioned. A small hill, on which was a marine battery, protected Balaclava; and behind this hill the 93rd Highlanders were posted. As the Russian cavalry advanced the 93rd came round to the front of the hill and formed in line, the front rank kneeling, and the rear rank standing up - old Sir Colin Campbell being in front of the regiment. When the enemy had come up to about 300 yards of them they opened a volley that emptied many a saddle. The Russians then made an attempt to get to the left rear of the [?] when the Highlanders immediately threw

[35] back their right wing and gave them another dose of bullets. This was altogether too hot for the "Bear" to stand, so he gathered his men together, and was about to beat a hasty retreat when our Heavy Brigade of cavalry - led by Brigadier-General Sir Yorke-Scarlett - dashed forward. The Scots Greys and 6th Enniskillens formed the first line, supported by the other regiments of the brigade. As the uniform of the Russians was dark grey, our men, with their scarlet coats, could be seen tearing through their ranks. Straight through they cut their way; and although the enemy was, I should say, quite five to one against our force, they could not withstand the onslaught, and were obliged to make a hurried, if not an ignominious, retreat. While they were collecting as best they could their shattered forces, we of the Light Brigade were ordered to descend into the valley and make a sweep round their right flank. All we made of this however was to drive a number of stragglers into our camp, where they were made prisoners. The heavy dragoons must have made dreadful havoc among the Russian cavalry in this affair; for, as we passed over the ground where it had just taken place, we saw dozens of men with the ugliest gashes about their heads and faces - to say nothing of those who had been knocked over by the fire of the 93d and the batteries. After our gallop round the Russian flank, we took up our former position under the French batteries and then dismounted. Those who had any biscuit in their haversacks, or water or grog in their calabashes made the most of the time to

[36] take a refreshment; those who had none had to go without. I went over to an old comrade - we had been brought up together as boys in the regiment - and as I thought it possible he might have some grog with him I asked if he could give me a drop. He told me that be had just given the last he had to the regimental sergeant-major. As we were speaking I couldn't help noticing that he looked serious and depressed. I asked if anything; was the matter with him, knowing that there had been several cases of cholera in the camp. He answered that be was "all right, " but added, "Do you see the enemy planting a lot of guns over there?" pointing to the hillside on the left, opposite No. 1 Turkish redoubt. I said I did. "Well, Bob, you'll find that many of us here will never get back to the lines again." He spoke too true and himself, poor Tommy Lovelock, was amongst the killed within half-an-hour of his utterance. An incident occurred with Lovelock's horse which I think is worth relating. Some weeks after the battle of Balaclava a midnight alarm arose in the camp, and the cry, "Guard, turn out, " went from sentry to sentry. A loud and heavy sound of horses' hoofs galloping across the valley towards the camp caused every one to think the enemy was upon them. Of course in the shortest time possible every man was in parade, ready for the supposed attack; but judge their surprise when in came, at a round trot, a lot of loose horses, headed by little "Donkey, " the horse that Lovelock had rode in the Charge at Balaklava, where he fell, and which (like myself) had been taken prisoner

[37] on that occasion. It turned out that a daring fellow of a French Zouave had made his way under cover of the dark into the Russian camp, and cut the picket-ropes of a squadron of Cossack cavalry. The horses thus let loose had started for an outing on their own account; little "Donkey " sagaciously, and patriotically, pioneering them into the British lines.

[38] CHAPTER V. "INTO THE VALLEY OF DEATH.

"SCARCELY had my poor comrade expressed his melancholy foreboding when the order was given to mount. We were then formed into two lines - the 13th Light Dragoons and 17th Lancers forming the first line, and the 4th Light Dragoons and 11th Hussars the second. The 8th Hussars were behind as a reserve or support. Lord Cardigan was on our right front when Lord Lucan rode up to him and said, "Well, Cardigan, we have had some fighting this morning; the heavies did splendidly; did they not?" Whilst we waited here Captain Nolan and a French officer were reconnoitring the position of the enemy, who were now in possession of the hills from No. 1 to No. 5 Turkish redoubts. An aide-de-camp from Lord Raglan came up with an order that the Light Brigade of cavalry was to attack the enemy, and recapture, if possible, some guns the latter were carrying of from the Turkish redoubts. Immediately afterwards Captain Nolan came and reported that the ground was clear; that there were none of the enemy in ambush behind the hills to our right. Lord Lucan gave his orders to Lord Cardigan, who ordered the brigade to move off at a walk. This pace we kept at until we were fairly off the hill and into a heavy,

[39] ploughed field below, where we broke into a trot, which we continued until getting on to grass, when we got into a gallop, all the time being exposed to a galling fire in front from an eight-gun battery which the enemy had placed in the centre of the valley up which we were advancing to reach the guns we wanted to recapture. Captain Nolan was riding about a hundred yards forward on the right front of the first line when a shell from the enemy burst immediately before him and killed him on the spot. His horse galloped on for some fifty yards further before he fell out of the saddle; and as we tore past we saw him lying on the ground and his faithful animal standing quietly over its master's body amidst all the fire. Now the order "Draw swords" was given, and, with a yell and shout of defiance such as is heard only from desperate men, we found ourselves careering over the ground as fast as our horses could carry us, onward towards the battery in front, and which all the time maintained a deadly fire. Presently, too, we came under a cross fire from big guns, both to the right and the left, and also from small weapons used by thousands of infantry posted beneath these. We held on our course, however, without swerving. Our officers were as cool as could be. Lord George Paget, as he rode in front of the regiment with his orderly (Parkes) and field trumpeter (Crawford) along with him, now and then called out, keep steady and not crowd together. "Steady, men, steady!" he shouted, looking right and left of him to see that his injunctions were obeyed. The excitement

[40] of the gallop prevented any of us from thinking of all that was earthly dear. The galling fire to which we had been subjected raised our worst passions, and we had all but one desire, and that was to silence the fellows who worked the fatal guns. At last, and despite the murderous fusilade, we were at the guns, and a slashing hand-to-hand fight followed with the men who served them. Up to this moment our colonel's sword had remained in its scabbard, which Parkes observing, said to him, "Come, my Lord, it is time you were drawing your sword - we are on the top of the guns." His Lordship thereupon drew at once, and in another moment it was through the neck of a Russian gunner. I can't say how long we were here when the cry arose, "Fourth Light Dragoons to the assistance of the 11th." In response to this a young officer of ours, named Martin, who was acting-adjutant that morning, called off the right squadron, to which I belonged, and away we hurried round to the aid of the 11th Hussars, whom we found away on the other side of, and at some distance beyond, the now silent guns, engaged with a force six times their own number of Cossacks and Russian Hussars. Just as we got into the melee my horse dropped. He had been hit by a bullet; but in addition to that, a Russian gunner with whom I was engaged, in attempting to cut me down missed his mark, the blow falling on the horse and opening the poor brute's breast with an ugly gash. Before the fellow could recover from his miss I had him through the head with my point. No sooner was I on

[41] the ground and saw that it was all over with my horse than I found the skirmish was past. I was left alone on the field. I ran about, trying to find my way back, but could scarcely see where I was going, so dense were the clouds of smoke hanging over the ground. Presently a man of my own regiment came galloping towards me. When he got up I saw that he was wounded on the right arm, and seemed very faint and weak. All I could do for him was to tear a strip off my overalls and tie it tightly round the arm above the wound; and off he rode. Then a sergeant-major of ours named Fowler came riding up and asked me if I knew where the regiment was. Of course I couldn't tell him; and away he went also. Then I saw, a little way off, the 11th Hussars galloping along, with Colonel Douglas in front. When he saw me, an English soldier, left on the field, he cried out to "halt, " but his men couldn't hear him, and on they went. Following them up on his own account was a horse of the 17th Lancers, which I managed to catch by the bridle. I was in the act of mounting, when the beast reared up into the air and then fell heavily to the ground, bearing me along with it. As I lay there, somewhat stunned with the fall, a large body of Cossacks galloped past in pursuit of the 11th Hussars. One of them made a prod at me with his lance, but only succeeded in tearing the leg of my trousers and scratching my boot, without injuring me whatever. When they had passed on, I got up again and took to my heels; and as the Russian guns on either side of the valley

[42] still kept playing away, I had a lively run for it, dodging the round shot that kept bounding about the ground. Again I managed to catch a stray horse - a little Cossack "mount" this time, and, jumping on his back, I urged him on towards the entrance to the valley. On the way I encountered full in front a Russian Hussar, who made a well-meant cut at me with his sword. I managed to parry it, and then dropping the point of my sword over to my right rear I caught him a thrust on the right cheek which made him yell. I had no time, however, to see what he wanted further, and made of as fast as I could. Shortly I got clear of the cross-fire from the batteries, and came up to a party of men belonging to different regiments of our brigade, stragglers like myself. We kept together, and went on until, by-and-by, we saw the banneroles of a Lancer regiment fluttering above a bank of smoke in which we were enveloped. Thinking it was our own 17th Lancers we made straight for them - only discovering when too close that it was a regiment of Polish Lancers, together with a regiment of Russian Hussars, which had been formed up across the mouth of the valley, and were about to advance and sweep away all our men who were still left on the ground. Well, we had no time to consider much about what was to be done; so, keeping well together, we went straight at the enemy and cut our way right through the crowd. We were not yet "out of the wood" though, for, galloping on, we immediately found ourselves confronted with a strong doe of Cossacks, drawn up in line to the

[43] rear of the others. We had just to do the same by them - and did it; getting through both barriers, to the best of my recollection and belief, without the loss of a man. Pushing onward, we now saw, about a mile off, the Scots Greys - I think it was them - coming on to cover our retreat from the field. It was a welcome enough sight; but it wasn't to do me any good. A cannon shot put a sudden stop to my gallop. I saw the horrid thing bounding along the ground, but for the life of me I couldn't get out of its way, and it flew up and caught my borrowed Cossack steed on the head, killing it, of course, there and then. I fell to the ground along with it; and in two or three minutes thereafter I was surrounded by Cossacks and taken prisoner. Thus ended the memorable day of Balaclava, so far as I was concerned with its doings. I had come through it without so much as a scratch or a wound - as I had come through what little share I had in the operations of the campaign preceding it. My hardships were all before me, and they commenced at once, as the reader will see. Before, however, leaving the battlefield of the "Valley of Death, " I should just like to mention one or two acts of bravery and hard-fighting which occurred on that memorable morning, and which came, more or less immediately under my own observation. As the regiment galloped into the Valley, a man of the 13th Light Dragoons, who had some how or other got detached from his regiment, was seen busy defending himself against some five or six Cossacks. Single-handed he

[44] dismounted the whole of them, and, just as the horses passed, he was about to finish one of the lot whom he had wounded. He received a call to desist, and instantly he "sloped" his sword, and joined in the charge. Lieutenant Jolliffe and Sergeant F. Short, of ours, did some good hard work at the guns. The former cleared off a number of gunners with his pistol, and the latter disposed of several drivers, and their horses as well - thus materially preventing the enemy from removing the guns. On account of this, Short gained for himself the medal for "distinguished conduct in the field." Major A. Low, who commanded our first squadron, killed no fewer than thirteen of the enemy's artillerymen, besides cutting down some of their cavalry who came in his way. As may be fancied, he was a very powerful, muscular man, and a dexterous swordsman. He is now General Alexander Low, head colonel of his old regiment, the 4th Light Dragoons - rechristened the 4th Hussars. Many other acts of bravery and prowess performed that morning by men and officers of the "Light Brigade" brought in good time a number of decorations, such as Victoria crosses, crosses of the Legion of Honour, the Turkish Order of the Medjidie (for officers only), and medals for "distinguished conduct in the field." I append the following return, from which it will be seen that Mr Tennyson had good grounds for writing "Then they rode back, but not, Not the six hundred."

[45] OFFICIAL LIST OF THE KILLED AND WOUNDED lN CHARGE OF THE LIGIIT BRIGADE AT BALACLAVA. Number of Men in Action Returned Lost4th Light Dragoons 118 39 79, about? of the whole 8th Hussars 104 38 661 th Hussars 110 25 8513th Light Dragoons 130 61 6917th Lancers 145 35 110Total 607 198 409198 607

[46] CHAPTER VI. IN THE HANDS OF THE PHILISTINES.

I was taken by some of the Cossacks by whom I had been captured to the end of the valley. Here a short halt was called, and one of their number - a particularly ill-favoured-looking dog - took the opportunity of searching me. He ransacked my haversack, in which I had a small packet of coffee, some broken biscuit, and a daguerrotype of a dear sister sent to me from America while stationed at Varna, the glass of which was broken. When I saw this picture in his hands I motioned him to let me have it back again. Instead of doing so, he continued to look at it, and to grin. He made remarks which, although I did not understand the language, I knew by his manner to be offensive. I endeavoured to secure the likeness, but only succeeded in rubbing a portion of it out. The Cossack then showed it to his comrades, and after they had satisfied their curiosity, amused themselves by giving me a thrashing with the butts of their lances and with whips. Then with a strip torn from my trousers they tied my hands so tightly behind me that I almost fainted with the pain. They removed the cording of my shako and tied my arms together until my elbows almost met at the back. The one who had searched me fastened a long thong such as all Cossacks have attached to

[47] their horses' reins to my right arm; and, giving his horse a cut, away he went at a trot, dragging me after him. To keep up I had to run pretty fast; and he maintained the pace till we got to the Black River - but not at the same place where I had been on the morning of the 23rd. At this part there was no bridge, so we halted for a few minutes, which enabled me to get a little breath; for, as may be fancied, I was pretty well blown and fatigued with the run he had given me at his horse's tail. I was wondering what my kind Cossack would do next, when he walked his horse into the river, and calling hydee (move on), made me wade after him. About the middle of the stream, I being up to the armpits in water, I kicked my foot against a big stone, and being unable to keep my balance - bound as I was - I went down head foremost and thought I should have been drowned. The fellow made no pause nor effort to assist me, but deliberately dragged me across by the long thong. Reaching' the other side I was so exhausted that I sank down on the bank, careless as to what the Cossack might do next. He seemed to enjoy my plight, as he laughed heartily. He wouldn't allow me to rest long, for, prodding me in the ribs with the butt of his lance, he compelled me to rise, and off we started again - towards the rearguard of the Russian force. On the road, another Cossack rode up to us, and had some conversation with my keeper. As they were speaking, I took the liberty to lean against a tree, and was just falling asleep when I was aroused by the new-comer trying to make his

[48] horse kick me. Failing, he made a cut at my face with his whip, but by bending the head I received the blow on the shako. The man who had me in charge then moved on; and after a march of half an hour, I felt so tired and weak that I nearly fell down under my escort's horse. I beckoned for him to halt a little, at which he scowled, and, seeing two other Cossacks lying on the ground a little way off, he called to them to come over. He said something to them, the result of which was that one caught me by the collar and the other behind, and both shouting out hydee ! hydee! they compelled me to "move on." I couldn't walk fast enough, however, to please the fellow behind, so he let the back of his sword drop on my right shoulder with such force that I fell on my knees, and my hands being tied behind me, rolled over on the ground. But I was soon set upon my feet, and the journey continued. In course of time a clump of trees was reached. Here a halt was made, and the "assistants" left. Once more with Cossack No. 1 alone, he signed to me to sit upon the ground, a signal which I willingly obeyed. But the fellow would not let me rest in peace. A dig with his lance as before, called my attention to a rope suspended from the branch of a tree overhead, and, laughing the while, he gave me to understand, in pantomime, that I was to be hanged there. Good God! I said I to myself, am I brought here to be hanged like a dog? - far better had I been killed on the field of battle. Then in an instant - just as l have heard say people do when they are drowning - all the events of

[49] my past life came up before me. I could see in my mind's eye everything that had happened from earliest recollection - my mother, father, brother, sisters - all my old comrades, and the scenes we had come through. I was determined, however, that if possible I should not betray my despair, although I feared it must have been too surely depicted on my face. I pretended not to understand what he meant. Just then one of the two Cossacks who had lately left rode up again, gave what appeared to be an order, and off we set, the two talking and laughing, as I thought, over the fright about the rope. Proceeding thus for about a mile, the second Cossack again left and I saw him no more. Soon afterwards a Russian officer came up and asked my keeper some questions, after which he turned to me and gave me to understand that I was to mount a horse at hand, and which proved to be a horse of the 17th Lancers, now a prisoner like myself. I signified to him that, my hands being tied, I was unable to do so, upon which he at once came forward and lifted me up on its back, giving the reins to the Cossack, who then led me off. At last the rear-guard of the Russian army was reached, and a soldier assisted me to dismount. Sitting on the grass here, I found myself a gazing-stock for about 2000 Russian soldiers. . They regarded me as a strange being, as if, in fact, I had been an inhabitant of some other world dropt down amongst them. Of course I enjoyed a good look at them in return. About a quarter of an hour after my arrival, an officer came up to me, and asked in English

[50] what I was." A prisoner, sir, " said I. "Where were you taken?" "I beg you pardon, sir, " I said; " perhaps you would be kind enough to untie my hands before I answer your questions." "What!" said the officer "are your hands bound?" "Yes, " I replied and one of your men would be a long time prisoner in our camp before he would have been served as I have been since I was taken prisoner this morning." "Who tied your hands?" he asked, very angrily. "This man did, " I said, nodding my head at my Cossack friend. The officer thereupon ordered the fellow to dismount, and, taking the whip out of his hand, gave him several severe cuts with it - in fact a fairishly good thrashing. He then ordered him off, and my hands to be untied. He next introduced me to a number of officers sitting in a circle on the grass, with a small keg of spirits (vodka) in the centre They asked questions; but when they found I did not understand the language, they talked amongst themselves, and seemed to be much interested in me. I noticed that they often made use of the word branchook, which I afterwards learned means a youngster, a lad - in reference, I suppose, to my somewhat youthful appearance. By-and-by the officer who spoke English asked me if was hungry. "Yes, sir, " said I; "your people called rather too early for us to get breakfast this morning." At this he laughed, and said he would order something. Accordingly, in a few minutes afterwards a soldier came to me with a wooden bowl, in which was some water, and a bag of hard black bread. He made signs to me

[51] to eat. I tried the black bread, but it was so hard that my teeth could make no impression. So I turned to the contents of the bowl, but found, to my distress, that it was a mixture of salt and water! The officer who had ordered it came up just then, and, seeing my chagrin, had a good laugh. "I thought you wouldn't manage that, " he said; "but all these men " - pointing to the hundreds who were bivouacked round about - "have to take it when campaigning, and they like it very well. Of course they get other rations besides - soup, beef, tea, whatever can be got, - although they are all accustomed to what you have before you. But I will order something else for you." He then gave the servant another order, and he returned in about twenty minutes with a couple of mutton chops, nicely cooked, a small loaf of white bread, and a bottle of English beer. It was to me a most agreeable surprise; because, after the cruel treatment I had received that day, I had almost reached the conclusion that the Russians were a nation of savages. This kind of treatment quite upset that idea. After I had done full justice to the viands and beer, a young cadet invited me to sit down beside him. He then commenced to make cigarettes, and gave me some to smoke with him. Indeed, his kindness and attention were such that I can never forget him. Other officers, too, gave me sundry glasses of spirits to drink, and I begin to feel drowsy. Seeing this, my good young benefactor, the cadet, made me take off my jacket and trousers, which were dripping wet. Then I lay back upon the grass, and put my

[52] shako under my head for a pillow. He covered my body with a cloak, and in a few moments I was unconscious in the arms of Morpheus. How long I slept I couldn't say; but I was roused by the cadet to join him in partaking of some nice hot tea. I afterwards discovered that the cloak which had protected me belonged to the 17th Lancers; and I may just mention that I never parted with it during the whole of my imprisonment in Russia. During tea, the officers who sat with us were as friendly as before. They invited me freely to partake of vodka, and seeing that my trousers were still wet, they made me strip, and ordered a soldier to have them dried - I meanwhile wrapping the cloak around me. My clothes were brought back to me quite dry; and, after I had dressed myself, I was informed that I was to be taken to a place where a number of other English prisoners were. He asked me a number of questions as to the strength of our force at Balaclava, the number of troops we had before Sebastopol, &c. To all these I pleaded ignorance, telling him only that it was our general's duty to know the strength of the army, and the duty of the men to keep up the good name it had always maintained." Well, " he said, "at all events, I think you did so this morning, for a braver action was never done than the charge made upon us, although you got the worst of it." "Oh! do you think so, " said I, for I was totally ignorant of the result of the charge." I am sure of it, " he replied, "because the field is covered with your dead and dying." "I have

[53] no doubt; " retorted I, "that the greater part of the dead are your own soldiers." He said no more, but turned away and began to talk with his brother officers. About 8 p.m. the party broke up, orders having been given to move to the front. An escort of three Cossacks then came and ordered me to follow them. Being rather upset with the quantity of vodka I had swallowed - for I had taken to excess to drown my thoughts - I turned stubborn and refused to budge unless I got a horse to ride. Just then, who should come up but my chivalrous friend the cadet. I observed that he was mounted on the identical horse which had brought me on the last stage of my journey to this camp, and - the vodka in my head - I endeavoured to make him understand that he was appropriating a noble animal that belonged to me. Seeing the case at once, he only laughed, and ordered one of the Cossacks to dismount and give me his horse. This being arranged, they led me off. But a short distance was made when a halt was ordered until the Russian rearguard passed by. Whilst we waited the Cossacks commenced to treat me rather roughly. One snatched the reins out of my hands, and another tried to deprive me of my cloak. As I wouldn't part with this garment, he drew out his pistol in a threatening manner. I only laughed, and gave him to understand how his brother Cossack, who had maltreated me earlier in the day, had got a thrashing from the officer. This so exasperated him that, putting his pistol away, he took up his whip and gave me a heavy cut with it across the

[54] shoulders. After the Russian troops had passed, the march was continued - the first halt being made at the very place where I had thought I was going to be hanged that morning. I recognised it immediately, and, looking up at the tree, saw a Crimean Tartar hanging from one of the branches. Taking the road again, we came at last to a place - a sort of farmyard - where I was ordered to dismount. I rolled off the horse, for I was still under the influence of vodka, and next day could just remember wishing to fight the Cossacks, one after another, because they wanted to search me. I was carried into a barn, and thrown on to a heap of straw, on which (under the circumstances) I passed the night as obliviously comfortably as if it had been on a bed of down in a Mayfair mansion. I had been told that I was to be taken to a place where some other English prisoners were, and next morning I discovered that among the number were some men of my own regiment, including the colonel's trumpeter (Crawford) and his orderly (Parkes). I should just like to mention, before proceeding with my story, that after the war was over the latter brave fellow was presented to the Queen, who pinned to his breast the Victoria Cross for saving the former from half-a-dozen Cossacks during the fight at the guns - an incident depicted in . the Victoria Cross Gallery at the Crystal Palace, Sydenham. To resume: My comrades toll me that I had been making such a row with the Cossacks who brought me that Parkes went out to see what was the matter, and it was he who had carried me

[55] into the barn. About 8 o'clock two soldiers came in, bringing with them for our breakfast a large pot of broth, with very little meat in it, and some soft black bread, which was as sour as vinegar. After that had been cleared away, the same English-speaking officer with whom I had had to do the day before came and took down all our names, with the regiments to which each man belonged. He said that Prince Menschikoff had ridden over the field that morning and witnessed the results of the dreadful slaughter of the previous day through the recklessness of the Russian artillerymen, who, when the two opposing forces were closely engaged, fired indiscriminately upon friend and foe. This officer further remarked that, as the Prince rode over the field, be saw an English dragoon lying dead, with his sword firmly grasped in his right hand, and around him the bodies of a number of Cossacks whom he had placed hors de combat. Pointing to the body of the Englishman; the Prince observed: "There lies a hero! " and, as indicating his feelings, he gave orders that the corpse should be decently buried, and not consigned to one of the big holes which had been dug as common graves for the bodies of those slain upon the field. He gave directions as to where a number of our wounded comrades were to be found, and permitted us to visit them. The permission was willingly taken advantage of. Some of the poor fellows had been badly, even desperately hurt. . I know it may seem difficult to those who have never witnessed such sights to conceive

[56] how one man could receive as many as thirty-six wounds; but one man, Dryden, of the 11th Hussars had that number all over his body; whilst Cooper, of the 13th Light Dragoons, Duke, and one or two more whose names I don't remember, . had each from 18 to 25. Two men of my regiment, Fletcher and Normyle, were terribly mutilated. The latter had a sword cut across his face, which nearly severed it in two. Those unhurt were allowed to attend to the wounded here all that day. On the following day (27th October) the wounded who were able to be removed were sent off to Simferopol, whilst the unscathed were marched in the meantime round to Prince Menschikoff's camp, near Inkerman. A halt was made at M'Kenzie's Farm, where refreshments were served, and where a strong force of Russians were seen to be intrenched. At one place on the route the escort was so near to British pickets that, had they been aware of the fact, and in moderate strength, they could easily have rescued us. This we learned after getting into the Prince's camp. Arrived at this place, one of the Prince's staff came and asked if anything was required. Indeed, he was very kind and attentive - sending us tea and white bread, as also some vodka. During this refreshment, a man came up and introduced himself to us as a servant of the officer who had looked after our requirements. To our surprise, he was an Englishman. He wanted to get a suit of English uniform from us; offering to buy, or give anyone who would bargain with him a suit in exchange, and money besides. This, together

57with an indescribable something about the fellow's appearance and manner, made us look at him again. He was asked what he was doing in the Russian camp." Well, " said he, "you must know that I am not an Englishman; I'm an American. I left New York last June, and landed at Liverpool. From there I went to Portsmouth, to join a ship that was going to South America; but as I was making my way to the docks I was captured by a press-gang, who took me off to the Diamond, one of your frigates. So I became one of her crew. We came right out to the Black Sea; and I saw the battle of Alma. I didn't like the ship; and as my country is on friendly terms with Russia, I took the first opportunity to run away. I've only been here a week." We looked at each other, and then Parkes tackled him. "Oh, then, " said Parkes, "you're a deserter; and more than that, you're a d - d liar; because there is no such thing as press-gangs in England nowadays. You're a spy, you scoundrel, so take that, " and suiting the action to the word, he gave the fellow a blow on the nose that knocked him clean off his legs. His cries brought out a number of men, who took the villain away, else he might have been killed. We stayed in Prince Menschikoff's camp that night, and the officers continued to be very kind to us, showing that they didn't sympathise much with the deserter.

58 CHAPTER VII. PRISONERS ON THE MARCH.

ON the following morning the march to Simferopol commenced. That night a halt was made at Baktshi-Serai, all being huddled into a small tent. The weather was bitterly cold, and as there was not room for all to lie down, a miserable night was spent. In the morning soup and black bread were presented for breakfast, and then the march resumed. It was a long and a weary one. There were some carts, but the use of them was not allowed until we were about five miles from our destination; after that an occasional lift was obtained. On the way an immense force of artillery was met, numbering I should say at least one hundred and twenty guns. At last Simferopol was reached, and then we were paraded round the town with a drummer in front. The prison was our next destination. We were all put together into one long room about 12 feet wide, and a number of visitors came to the place, bringing with them tea, sugar, white bread, and other little comforts. At night we lay down on a sort of bench, or guardroom bed, to repose till morning. I don't know how long I had been asleep when I was aroused by a comrade pulling my leg. I could hardly see or speak, and my head was like to split. Something Was evidently wrong, and a rush was made

[59] for the door. It was locked on the outside, but after a good deal of hammering and kicking it was opened from without, and half-a-dozen soldiers with fixed bayonets rushed in to set what was the matter. They retired as quickly as they entered, however - the simple case being that we had nearly been all suffocated by the fumes of a charcoal stove. Next morning we were allowed to walk about the prison-yard, and again had several visitors from the town. An English-speaking Russian officer came and asked us a number of questions. Some very tall men were of our party. Parkes, of ours, stood 6ft. 2in. in his stockings; Bolton, also of ours, 6ft. 1 1/2in. ; Parker, of the 11th, over 6ft. ; and two or three others were over 5ft. . 10in. Others again, like myself, were short in stature. So, on the second morning after arrival at Simferopol a visit was paid, among others, by a Russian hussar, who evidently thought himself a superior being. He was in full dress, with sword, sabretache, boots, and spurs, and strutted about like a peacock, contemptuously regarding us small men from his own superior altitude of about 5ft. 9in. Presently Parkes, Volton, and Parker, who had been taking the air in the prison-yard entered the apartment, and our Muscovite swell having observed their appearance, turned to the English-speaking officer, who asked Parkes what men these were. "Light dragoons, " replied Parkes." Light dragoons!" exclaimed the astonished officer; "what like, then, are your heavy dragoons?" The laugh of course was turned against the visitor, who took himself off.

[60] Two days before the battle of Inkerman (5th November) the interpreter told us that Prince Michael intended paying a visit to the prison. He came accordingly, spoke very kindly to us, and granted permission to go in parties of fire at a time and visit our wounded comrades in the hospital. I availed myself of this opportunity, and although it was a satisfaction to see the sufferers, it was a somewhat melancholy one. Poor Normyle, who had had his face cut in two, was still alive, and wonderfully cheerful under the circumstances. He was glad to see us, although he could not say so in words, and was altogether a mere shadow of his former self. Poor fellow! he died a few days afterwards, as did also Sergeant-major Fowler, who lay in the same ward, and who, in addition to his wounds, was suffering much from dysentery. An incident occurred as we walked round the wards which may be briefly narrated. A man of "ours, " Thomas King, was speaking to a wounded comrade, and he was astonished to find himself clasped round the legs by a Russian soldier in the bed behind where he was standing. Turning round, the said something in his own language, which King could not make out. At the same time he caught hold of Tom's hand and. kissed it. An American lady - a kind soul who attended to the wounded, no matter of what nationality - spoke with the man a minute or two; and then, taking Tom by the hand to his bedside, said - "This poor, grateful fellow says you saved his life at the attack on the guns at Balaklava. He was lying wounded under a

[61] gun. One of your men tried to kill him, and this you prevented by parrying the blow with your own sword. He says he recognised you by that patch on the knee of your trousers." The man spoke the truth. Tom now remembered the incident, although in the excitement of the struggle and the need for looking after his own life all recollection of it had disappeared. The story soon went the round of the hospital, and Tom King lost nothing by it. November 5 was a day of some anxiety, because our interpreter had informed us that on that day his countrymen were going to fall upon our army and sweep it from the place. He spoke of the affair with such assurance of the success and the consequent disaster to the Allies, that we couldn't help feeling somewhat grave. Visiting the wounded was not permitted on that day, nor were visitors allowed to see us. In the afternoon the interpreter said we were to be marched at once up the country. He was asked to what place; but he could not, or would not, give any particulars. Four hours afterwards be returned and stated that our departure had been postponed for two days, and that in all probability we should be sent to Siberia. It may be imagined that the news did not put us in the best of spirits. Next morning several officers who visited the prison told us that a big battle had been fought near Inkerman, and that the allied armies had been driven into the sea. This story was so improbable, so like " a whale, " that we laughed outright. In the afternoon a new pair of boots and a pair of socks,

[62] equipment for our next march, were served out. The boots were made of a material strongly resembling brown paper, both in colour and perviousness to water; while the socks were simply two square pieces of coarse woollen stuff, which were wrapped round the foot before putting on the boot. And if care was not taken to wrap it evenly, the chances were that the boot split. In addition to this, each got a sheepskin coat, a really useful garment, as it turned out to be during the cold march up country. On November 7 we were all "formed up" in the prison yard, and, after having had a refreshment, consisting of bread and cheese and "schnapps, " started on our journey. Permission was not given to bid goodby to our wounded comrades in hospital, and from the moroseness exhibited by our captors, we judged that their forces had received a sound thrashing in the affair of the 5th. Nothing was revealed as to our destination beyond the vague rumour that it might possibly be Siberia. On 15th November, having been fully a week on the road, a terrific storm overtook us, on an open, flat country, with no house or place of refuge visible for miles. That same storm, we afterwards learned, had raged all over the country, devastating whole districts, and proving very disastrous to shipping in the Black Sea. The bullocks drawing our arabas (carts) lay down on the road, and nothing could induce them to get up again until the storm abated. The lightning was terribly brilliant, so much so that the soldiers forming the escort commenced to cross themselves

[63] and say prayers. After two hours' exposure to the full force of the storm, the bullocks got upon their feet, and a fresh start was made. Progress, however, was slow, and it was not until 20th November that we arrived at Perekop. This town is, or was, about the filthiest hole I ever saw. The street through which we were paraded, with the same honours as at Simferopol, were almost knee-deep in mud and filth, whilst the prison - our lodging house - literally swarmed with vermin. The cells were wet, and as there were no benches to lie upon, we had to make ourselves as comfortable as possible on the floor. We lay huddled closely together for the sake of warmth, and in spite of the rats with which the place was infested, we managed to get a broken night's rest. The boots and socks given to us at Simferopol were by this time almost useless. They had to be fastened to our feet in a not very artistic fashion. We remained two days here, and then resumed the march. Crossing a creek at the Isthmus of Perekop, we came near to being fairly bogged. The place is known by the name of "the Putrid Sea, " and it certainly quite deserves the name. A more stinking, sickening, dreadful place I never witnessed. The tide was out, but we had to wade a distance of about half-a-mile. To object was useless; and as the escort was more powerful than argument, we were compelled to proceed. All were not alike unfortunate, however. Several of the more good-natured of the Cossacks allowed prisoners to get behind them, and I persuaded a

64countryman who was crossing with his horse and cart at the same time as the party to allow inc to get inside, although in the effort to reach that comparatively comfortable position I was begrimed with slimy mud. On the opposite bank, when all had re-assembled, the scene was more picturesque than comfortable; but the elements precluded all admiration of the picturesque. A piercing wintry wind blew with such pertinacity that our teeth rattled, and the blood nearly froze in our veins. We were yet a long way from the end of the day's journey. Accordingly, we got at once on the march again, and after something like five hours' travelling, arrived at a small hamlet where quarters were obtained for the night. Luckily there was here no prison, and we were billeted on the inhabitants, and thus got our clothes dried and our bodies warmed - luxuries which we would not have enjoyed had there been a Government "hotel" in the place. Next day marching was resumed and continued in an uneventful manner for several days until we arrived at a town called Meritopol. Here, with much regret, I had to take leave of my Comrades with whom I had journeyed, or rather they had to take leave of me. For the last day or two my left foot had been failing me, getting steadily worse, till now it had become so sore and painful that I was helplessly lame. I was left behind, whilst the others, with the exception of one man of the 8th Hussars, stricken down with fever, went on. I was sent to hospital, where I remained for a week. In the interim a

[65] number of British soldiers, who had been taken prisoners at the battle of Inkerman; reached the place; and on being discharged from hospital I was joined to that party. It consisted of men of the 7th and 23d Fusiliers, and of the 47th and 49th Regiments - about 14 in all. A sergeant of the 23d and I became " chums, " and remained fast friends till the day we parted after our release from Russian imprisonment. Two days after leaving hospital I was again on the road with my new comrades in affliction. For nearly a week our march was through a cold and inhospitable country. We were thrust into miserable prisons at night and made to turn out again before daybreak in the morning. At a town called Alexandrinopol, we found the regimental sergeant-major of the 44th Regiment, named O'Neill, who had been taken prisoner through the treachery of the scoundrelly spy whom the reader will recollect I had in the camp of Prince Menschikoff at Inkerman. The poor fellow was quite overcome when he saw us, and that night we had a convivial meeting, having received our money that day. In explanation of this I might have mentioned before that when we left Simferopol we were allowed money in lieu of rations at the rate of 30 copecks a day. This was equal to 8d English, but in the country through which we were travelling it would go as far as half-a-crown at home. On arriving at any new town we were allowed to go, under escort, to the market place and make purchases. On this occasion we laid in an extra supply of vodka, and made a night

[66] of it. It's a poor heart that never rejoices. At day-break on the following morning, however, we were on the march again. The weather was now bitterly cold, and we were cautioned to watch each other's appearance for frost-bite. If a man's nose or ears became unnaturally white, the affected part was at once rubbed with snow till the blood began to circulate. It was a painful operation to the patient, but a necessary one. From the same cause our feet required to be watched, and several times a day we had to sit down and rub them with snow till they tingled. By-and-by we arrived at Ekaterinoslav, a town on the south bank of the river Dnieper. The chief officials of the place came some distance out to meet us; and, as usual, we were paraded round the principal streets with a drummer in front. Then we were marched to a large prison, in which we were confined in separate cells, although allowed to visit each other and walk about the corridors and passages. Here, too, we had an opportunity of washing our underclothing as well as our bodies, and only prisoners in our condition can appreciate such a luxury. We remained a week in Ekaterinoslav; and it was by no means the most unpleasant part of my imprisonment. The day after our arrival we were joined by a party of eight English sailors (merchantmen), who had been captured on 15th November, the day of the big storm. They told us a terrible story, and one that seemed hardly credible. On the day in question their vessel was making for the harbour of Balaclava, with a detachment of about 260

[67] Turkish soldiers on board from Constantinople. Off the north side of Sebastopol they lost all control of the vessel, and it drifted upon the rocks. The Russians sent a couple of guns to play upon the stranded and helpless ship. Her captain, seeing this, hoisted a flag of truce, which was acknowledged, and he managed to get a boat launched and went ashore. There he explained to the Russian officer in command the state of affairs; the upshot being that he obtained permission to bring his own crew ashore, the Englishmen - but not a single Turk. And this was carried out. As soon as the crew landed, the Russians opened fire on the doomed vessel and knocked it to pieces; not a soul having escaped. All perished, either by the fire of the guns, or by drowning. The sailors who told this sad tale were eye-witnesses of the affair, and were ready to testify to its truthfulness. But we learned otherwise the capability of the Russians to kill their enemies in cold blood. The poor Tartars of the Crimea had a miserable time of it during the war, their sympathies being to lean towards the Allies. In front of our prison was a piece of vacant ground about 200 yards in length, enclosed, and separated at the farther end by a high stone wall from another prison. Within this enclosure, as we were told, a few days before we arrived a batch of these miserable Tartars were deliberately shot; and we afterwards learned that precisely the same process was repeated with another lot a week or so afterwards. In the week spent at Ekaterinoslav a great many of the townspeople paid us

[68] a visit; and they were really very kind. They seemed to sympathise with us most sincerely. Amongst the number were a lady and gentleman, the latter of whom carried a blackthorn walking-stick. This caught the eye of an Irishman of our party named Macdonnel, of the 47th. He fell in love with the stick, and without the least hesitation or compunction told the gentleman how delighted he would be to become its possessor - "For, " said he, "sure I didn't think there was ever a blackthorn out of Ireland." The blarney was successful. The gentleman, who spoke very good English, at once made him a present of the stick. Thanking the donor for his kindness, Mac gave the "sprig o' shillalah" a scientific twirl, and was happy for the day. Another addition was made to our party before leaving here. It consisted of a party of French soldiers, with whom we numbered now, in all, about 30 prisoners. The Frenchmen were a jolly lot of fellows, and we fraternised heartily. One of them in particular, nicknamed "Jack of Clubs, " because he was so funnily knock-kneed, was a general favourite. He was always singing and laughing, was a capital cook, and a first-rate forager. On our march few farmyards, where poultry or pigs were kept, were free from the "friendly" visits of "Jack." Indeed, we all took a share in this business; and when people wouldn't bargain with us we helped ourselves - geese and suckling pigs being among our favourite acquirements. Before leaving Ekaterinoslav we received each a pair of new boots and socks. The boots, this

[69] time, were worth buying, being strong and well made. Some ladies, moreover, gave us warm underclothing and stockings, all of which were highly welcome and greatly appreciated. We were also supplied by the authorities with an overcoat, which, however, I have to add was the same as that supplied to ordinary convicts, bearing the brand of a diamond-shaped yellow patch on the back, denoting that the wearer is an aristant or convict. We did not mind that much, under the circumstances - friends or relatives on the road we were travelling were not likely to be met, and the coats protected us against the intense cold. 70CHAPTER VIII. PURSUED BY WOLVES - A CLOSE SHAVE. AT Ekaterinoslav a gang of fifty or sixty convicts, men and women, a number of the latter having children in their arms, were attached to the party. These poor wretches were en route to a penal settlement, hundreds of miles from their homes, where, after undergoing their term of imprisonment, they would be cast adrift and allowed to make the best of their way back. Many of them, probably, would never return, as it was nothing uncommon for them to succumb to fatigue and hunger on the way. After journeying some 20 versts, a small village was reached, where the prisoners of war were billeted upon the inhabitants, and the aristants were crammed into a little dirty prison. The journey was resumed next morning at daybreak, and so on we went day after day, sometimes stowed away at night in filthy prisons and at others billeted on the inhabitants of the villages on the way, till we arrived at a town called is Novo-Moscow, where a number of the aristants were detained. In the course of this weary pilgrimage we marched into a small village, evidently a German colony. As usual were billeted upon the inhabitants. They proved to be very kind. In the house where I lodged, a stalwart German came to visit.

[71] In addition to his own language he could speak Russian, but in neither tongue could any of us understand him. Whilst he was present one man took off his jacket, and discovered the fact that he wore no shirt. Observing this, the good-hearted German put his hands to his face and burst into tears. Then, suddenly rising from his seat, he tore off his clothes, divested himself of his shirt, which he offered to the man. The gift was at first declined, but the German would take no refusal. Putting on his outer garments, he left the house, but shortly afterwards he returned with a bundle, consisting of shirts for us all, tea, sugar, and a wedge of very nice cheese. Next morning, before departing, we bade this genuine Samaritan a hearty farewell. I was almost left behind at Novo-Moscow. I had been indisposed for some days, and my legs were failing me, but the idea of being left to the tender mercies of the hospital attendants in this little out-of-the-way place was more than I could endure. I resolved therefore to struggle against my indisposition and go with my comrades. I could not walk, however, and the sergeant of the escort, who was a kind soul, placed me in a padvodi (sleigh), well wrapped up with coats and sheep-skins, and charged the driver to pay me every attention. It was, I think, on the day after leaving Novo-Moscow that sour of us got into a row. When on the march was usual for a lot of our men to walk on ahead of the main body - sometimes as many as five versts in advance. Arriving at some kabak (roadside inn), they would stop

[72] and refresh till the others, with the escort, came up, when room would be made for the after portion, and a fresh start made. The Frenchmen of our party did the same thing, and latterly had managed generally to be before us, so that when our fellows got up to the kabak they frequently found that the best of the refreshments were absorbed. By-and-by the soldiers of the escort thought it proper, for their own benefit, to levy a tax on those prisoners who chose thus to go in advance, and they resolved on this occasion to carry the idea into practice. Accordingly, when some of the go-ahead Frenchmen were about to enter a kabak they were taken aback at finding a number of the escort, who had stolen a march on them, standing outside the door. Admission was refused except on payment of so many copecks. This demand the Frenchmen resisted, and the result was a general fight, the Frenchmen all having sticks and making good use of them, until some of our men quickly put an end to the disturbance. Amongst the wounded in the fray was poor Jack of Clubs, who got badly cut about the bead. A cowardly fellow on the other side fared worse, just as the fight was over. Jack of Clubs was being taken into the kabak to get his bead dressed when one of the escort struck an assisting comrade a blow on the head with his musket, felling him to the ground. The treacherous act was witnessed by Macdonnel, who on the instant gave the fellow a stroke with his "blackthorn" across the right temple that made him drop as if shot. He was taken into the

[73] kabak, where his head and face were bathed and everything done for him; but it was useless, he never recovered consciousness. Meanwhile my chum George Newman (sergeant of the 23d Fusiliers) and I went inside to have some refreshment. During our stay. the main body of the party moved off. We allowed them to go without us, managing to induce the driver of the padvodi, and also a soldier of the escort, to remain with us in consideration of a bribe of a few copecks, which was, I may mention, a thing that could be done. We were standing at the little bar-counter drinking vodka, and treating the driver and soldier to the same, when a number of countrymen came into the place and began talking to the latter about the row that had occurred. Never suspecting any treachery, we paid little attention to them. Suddenly the soldier whom we were treating gave George a heavy blow on the head with his musket, the countrymen at the same time commenced an onslaught on both of us with the long sticks, not unlike quarter-staves, which they usually carry. We had each a stout stick, and wore round the waist a long cotton sash (a la Turk), in which we carried our pipes and knives. George was knocked down and lost his stick. He cried out to me to draw my knife, drawing his own at the same time. He managed to stick his between the ribs of one of our assailants, while I slashed another across the face. The result of this show of determination was that, in a second or two, the place was cleared, and the whole crowd "skedaddled." Poor George,

[74] however, had got a terrible thrashing; his eyes were blackened and he was covered with blood. I came off more cheaply, although my body and bones ached for a long time afterwards. We had now to be off as quickly as possible, and on looking out we found that while we had been engaged as I have described in the kabak it had been snowing so heavily that all the tracks on the ground made by our party, who must now be a long way ahead, were completely covered up. However, we got the driver and the soldier to look after the padvodi, and got on the road again behind two stout little horses which went over the snow like reindeer. By-and-by, I noticed the two Russians speaking to each other as if under much excitement, and the driver took to whipping up the horses and urging them to their topmost speed. Then both the men began to cross themselves and mutter their prayers rapidly. George was almost asleep, so I roused him up and called his attention to this. He had lived for a number of years in France, and after listening for a few seconds, be exclaimed. "Wolves, by G! They are after us!" We looked behind, and a long way off, saw a dark mass steadily moving across the wide expanse of snow. The horses evidently knew what was the matter now as well as we did. In a few minutes we saw lights ahead, and towards this port the horses madly galloped. Presently we pulled up hard right in the centre of the court-yard of a little farm-house, the gates of which were standing open. It was an exceedingly close shave and we had not

[75] reached our destination a moment too early; because when the driver of our machine got out to unharness the horses, a large wolf which had got into the court-yard before the gates were closed, bounded away. But the gates were shut, and he was speedily dislodged from the position he had taken up under the padvodi, and despatched. The little village here turned out to be the place where we were to be quartered for the night, so, after the affair of the wolf was over, our comrades who were billeted in this cottage gave us a share of their accommodation. We explained what had detained us, and Bob Argue (7th Fusiliers) seeing Newman's condition, asked what was the matter. George, with a nod of his head, indicated the soldier; and I then told the story of the fight and of this soldier's treachery, even while we had been treating him. With an oath, Bob flew at the man and punched his face till he rolled on the floor. Then he took him by the legs, dragged him from the house, threw him on to the frozen ground outside, and there left him. We never saw that soldier again. George and I were well attended to by our comrades, who made a nice little bit of supper ready; after which we soon got to sleep). The excitement of the day had exhausted us, and we slept soundly. We had all to turn out at the usual hour, daybreak; but neither George nor I could walk, so we were again put into a padvodi, and made as comfortable as possible under the circumstances. That night we halted at a small town called Volka, which our men christened "Bug Hall, "

[76] it was such a dirty place. The Frenchmen got there before the main body, and at once demanded to see the governor of the prison. They told him that unless our escort was changed, and the soldiers who commenced the disturbance on the day before punished, they would at once report the affair to the Governor-General at Karkoff, who, they thought, would give them satisfaction. We had long since made the discovery that in Russia the first story of a complaint to an official always carried the day. This timely remonstrance was effectual so far. When the escort was formed up in the yard of the prison the delinquents were picked out by the Frenchmen and got severely flogged. Our "caravan, " as I may call it, remained two days in Volka. On the order being given to turn out again for the march, neither Geo. Newman nor I could get up. My legs were a mass of sores, caused by exposure and bad living, whilst poor George's body was covered with bruises. We were therefore compelled to remain in hospital for ten days. At the end of this period we but sufficiently recovered to be sent back to prison. I soon got round again; but George had a slight touch of fever. The hospital attendant bled him twice on the arm; and this, I think, saved him from a long illness. In prison we found an addition had been made to our number in the persons of two men of the 4th Dragoon Guards and two of the commissary staff. Three days thereafter, in company with four other English prisoners who had been brought in, strangers to us, we were

[77] marched to Karkoff. In the prison there we were visited, as usual, by numbers of the townspeople, more especially ladies, who brought us all sorts of little luxuries. Amongst those who came was an Englishman named Aldridge, tutor in the family of a Russian nobleman in the neighbourhood, who invited the commissary officers and myself to go with him to the house in which he lived. He drove us there in a carriage; and, to our astonishment, we discovered one of the 11th Hussars, apparently making himself quite comfortable and at home. We were introduced to the nobleman, who spoke excellent English, and who greatly notified us by bringing out a whole lot of the Illustrated London News, in which we saw pictures of all that had been going on in the Crimea from the beginning of the war up till a few weeks after Inkerman. Altogether, our treatment in this house was most kindly. We supped with the family, and on leaving each of us was presented with a large parcel containing tea, sugar, white bread, and German sausage - besides a rouble in money. On getting back to prison we found that a lady had been there and left for the prisoners a large parcel of warm clothing, which was simply a God-send considering the condition we were in. On the whole we fared worse in some other places than we did here.

[78] CHAPTER IX. MY WORST EXPERIENCE. FROM Karkoff progress was made slowly up the country - the prisoners not knowing where they were being taken. A few clays after our departure, another gang of aristants joined us. The officer in command of the escort had them formed up in a room. He was seated at a table. One by one they were called up and asked questions. The kit was examined and then the unfortunate was dismissed with a blow on the face. One of the number was foolish enough to remonstrate at this treatment. Immediately he was seized by four soldiers, thrown face downwards on the floor, and while in this position he was held fast, and the officer flogged him across the bare breech with the flat of his sword till the blood squirted from his body. Those who were witnesses with me of this barbarous usage could only express our disgust and abhorrence by leaving the room. On the following morning the poor wretch was put into chains. A black-smith first fastened a belt of iron round his waist; then he rivetted an iron ring to each ankle, and another to each wrist, and finally fastened chains from each ring to the iron waist-belt; and in this condition the unhappy man had to join in the march. By-and-by we arrived in a town called Starai-Oskal.

[79] There my chum and I had to part; George to continue his march, whilst I had to go to hospital again - this time with rheumatic fever. I was in prison, however, for three days before being sent to hospital; and I remember of the governor, who spoke English, telling me that the Allied Armies had been almost annihilated, and that Lord Palmerston had shot himself. But I was too ill to care whether what he said was true or not. On the third day, a couple of soldiers came and carried me into the court-yard of the prison, where a padvodi was in waiting to convey me to hospital. I was carefully covered up in the vehicle, and as we went through the town, people followed us up, and a woman came and placed a jug of warm milk by my side. As we passed through the market-place, some Sisters of Mercy joined the procession, and followed me to the hospital. They were exceedingly kind and attentive. In the prison I was placed in a large ward along with a number of aristants. The most of them lay with their shackles on; the constant rattle of which as they moved annoyed me very much. The irons were never taken off, the poor beings being allowed to live and die in them. I saw two men taken out of that ward dead, and heard the clanking of the chains as the attendants carried them away. One morning the doctor came to me with a slate on which was written a number of questions in Russian, with English translations for me to answer. He did not understand English himself, but a lady who lived near hand, and knew our language well,

[80] translated the questions for me, and afterwards translated my answers. That is the way we got on. On this occasion I would not answer any of his questions; but taking the slate I wrote as well as I could, for I was very weak - "I am not a convict or a thief, but a prisoner of war, honourably taken on the field of battle. I do not think it is right that I should be kept in this hospital where you have all your sick convicts. I cannot sleep for the constant rattle of their chains." The doctor came back the same afternoon and ordered me to be removed into a small room in which were two beds, one of them not occupied. Into this I was put, the occupant of the other being a Jew, who, however, was removed next morning, and I had the room to myself. I became delirious, and when I recovered my senses I found the other bed occupied by a man of the 7th Fusiliers, named Nettleton, who had been taken prisoner in a sortie from the trenches. He, like myself, was very bad with rheumatic fever. The Sisters of Mercy visited us every morning, and always brought some little delicacies with them. One day the doctor came with his slate, on which was written the question whether I felt strong enough to go for a drive. I replied that I would like it well if he thought I could stand it. He went away with the slate, and in about an hour afterwards an attendant brought me my old uniform, and let me know that I was to dress, as the doctor was coming to take me out. With his assistance I managed to get into my clothes; and when the doctor came and saw me dressed,

[81] he clapped me on the shoulder, saying, "dobra! carashaw!" (good! all right!) He took me by the arm and led me to the outside of the hospital. Here a very handsome padvodi with two horses awaited. I was helped into the vehicle, well wrapped up in furs, and driven to the house of the lady who had acted as our mutual interpreter. The doctor did not stay long. He left me with the lady and her husband. I dined with them, and they congratulated me upon my rapid recovery from a very serious illness. After dinner, the lady took me to the doctor's house, and introduced me to his family. I do not know how long I remained there; the excitement of the outing had become too much for me, and I fainted. On regaining consciousness, I found myself back in my bed in the hospital. A relapse followed, and I became as ill as ever. Ultimately I recovered and was sent back to prison. I then learned for the first time that, along with other three prisoners of war, one of them a French Zouave, I was to be sent, as soon as I could be removed, to Veronitz, the capital town of the government of that name. 'When the time came we left Starai-Oskal - where I had been detained for five weeks altogether - under unfavourable auspices for travelling. Just as we got clear of the town a heavy fall of snow came on, which continued all day. We marched about 14 versts, putting up for the night at a small roadside inn. Here Nettleton became very ill, and next day was taken back to Starai-Oskal. Nothing of any interest occurred on the march till one day we saw in the distance

[82] the golden domes of a number of churches. On enquiry, I was told that the name of the place was Woronesch (Veronitz). Arriving at the town, we were marched direct to a prison, where, to my great delight, a number of my old comrades welcomed me to the town, telling me that I was at my journey's end. Thus, after a long and weary march, extending over a period of four months, I had rejoined old chums in imprisonment from whom I had been earliest separated. They were all living in a large house which had formerly belonged to a Russian gentlemen of quality. On being taken there I was sent to a room in which were Parkes, George Newman, and one or two others of my chiefest "particulars." George now looked quite hearty and strong; and, in fact, none of them appeared to be a bit the worse of their long and tedious journey up country. Although I was thus happy in the companionship of old friends again my experiences were not all of a rosy order. As the reader knows, I have not been slow to record acts of kindness received by me at the bands of the strangers amongst whom we travelled, as well as from my captors. I have now to give a glimpse at the other side of the picture, and before doing so I would simply say that my account of the worst treatment I underwent whilst I was a prisoner with the Russians is exactly as it happened, and without any morsel of exaggeration. One morning, about a month after my arrival at Veronitz, I was lying asleep on a sort of padded guard-bell which had been rigged up fur our use, when

[83] I was wakened by the master of the house, a long, cadaverous-looking scoundrel, pulling me by the leg. He ordered me to change my place, and go to another room on the flat below. I answered, "All right, " but being very sleepy, I dozed over again. He shortly after returned, pulled me from my bed, and, giving me a good smack on the face, asked why I had not obeyed his orders. I replied by sending him across the room with a push from my foot, my comrades present telling him at the same time that he mustn't lift his hand. Upon this the cowardly scamp smirked and smiled, and, telling me that he was waiting for me below, went out. I then collected the few things I had, and was about to follow, when a corporal and two men of the guard entered. The corporal shouted out my name, and, upon my answering, he ordered me to go with him. I was at once marched off to the prison, where I was put into a room and left by myself. I had not been five minutes here when the door opened, and in walked my friend the master of the house I had left - whose name, by the by, was Ikiemoff - and the governor of the prison. They were talking confidentially together, and stood still in the middle of the room, the governor eyeing me from head to foot. He was a big, burly man, some six feet in height, and would weigh 15 or 16 stones. When they had finished their conversation, he came up to me, and pushed me on the breast with his hand, saying, etta Englichansky? (Is that English?) I said nothing, and he gave me a harder push; repeating the question. Then,

[84] before I knew, he gave me a tremendous blow with his fist on the right side of the head - at the same time opening out on me a volley of abuse in Russian, in which he called me an English pig, an English dog, and a host of other equally pretty names - and then aimed another blow at the other side of my head. As I was on my guard this time, however, he was not successful in landing it, whereupon he called out loudly for the guard. In response to this, in rushed a muscular savage of a sergeant, who caught me by the hair of the head and commenced to give me a vigorous punching, whilst the governor caught up a stick and gave me a blow across the small of my back that knocked me down. Then the sergeant dragged me up again, and out into a passage, where there was a steep flight of stairs leading to the cells below. He tried all he could to throw me down this; but there was a rope bannister attached to the wall, and to it I held firmly until the bottom was reached. He then called on a man, who opened the door of a cell, and, with a savage blow on my face with his fist, the sergeant sent me flying against the wall inside, and the door was shut. I was bleeding much from the blow, and felt as if I could lie down and die; but the scoundrel was not done with me. In a short time he came back, and with him four soldiers, each having a short thick stick in his hand. He made me stand at "attention " - that is, with arms hanging down and close to my sides, the hands pressed close to the legs. Then, with a savage shout, he dealt me a heavy blow

[85] with his fist on the side of my head, and when I instinctively put up a hand to defend myself, a soldier instantly struck it down with his stick. Well, I received about it dozen of these blows, until I called out mea bolnia! (I am ill. ) Teya bolnia - Englichansky sabach? (You are ill - you English dog - are you?) he replied, and then giving an order to his men, they together commenced to belabour me with their sticks till I was well-nigh insensible. At last, in sheer desperation and agony, I rushed at my tormentor and gave him a hard kick on the bottom of the stomach, which doubled him up. After that I remembered nothing until about four o'clock in the afternoon, when I became aware of some one bathing my face. It was a soldier of the guard. He got me on my feet, and took me outside to the guard-room, where he brought me some hot tea; but my face and mouth were so sore and swollen that I could not swallow. He then brought some warm water to bathe my face; but hearing some one coming down stairs, he hurried me back to the cell. Although my eyes were blackened and nearly closed, I could see the form of a wretched woman lying drunk on the wooden bed of the. cell. She had evidently been picked up in the street, for her clothes were wet with mud and slush. In about an hour afterwards the door of my cell was unlocked and a soldier came in, who told me to go up stairs. I noticed that he spoke in a kindly tone, and he assisted me up and out into the court-yard of the prison. There I was kept standing for more than half an hour, and as

[86] it was bitterly cold and I was thinly clad, besides being wet from the liquid filth on the floor of the cell, I began to shiver, and at last fell down on the ground. The kind soldier was trying to lift me up again, when out came my friend Ikiemoff, and with him the governor of the prison, who, seeing what the soldier was about, gave him a sound blow with his fist for his humanity, and ordered him off. The two then commenced to have some fun at my expense - both of them being drunk. There was a padvodi in the yard waiting for each of them, and they were going to take me to the police-master's office, where I was to be tried for my offence. Ikiemoff took me to the governor's sleigh, who indignantly refused to allow me to ride with him, and pushed me over to Ikiemoff's sleigh. This little game, in which I was played shuttle-cock, went on for, I should think, about ten minutes, until they thought time was up for starting, when Ikiemoff ordered me into his sleigh. Being very sore and stiff with the diabolical thrashing I had received, I was not nimble enough to jump in at once, so as I was doing my best, the blackguard gave his horse a cut with the whip which made it plunge forward, and threw me with great force upon the face. While in this position I was nearly run over by the sleigh. But that was the best of amusement for the two worthies. At last I got in, and off we went. At the police-master's house, I was placed in a room and told to sit down. In a few minutes I heard the police-master speaking in an excited manner outside; and then

[87] the door was opened, admitting two gentlemen from Moscow, brothers, named Howard, as it turned out, and Englishmen. They came over to me and shook me by the hand, and were very much shocked at seeing the appearance of my face. They told me not to be afraid of what the police-master would say or do, and on no account was I to flinch from him should he attempt or pretend to strike me. Whilst they were speaking in came the police-master, Ikiemoff, the governor of the prison, and some other officials. My English friends at once called the attention of the police-master to the state I was in and told him that unless those two villains, Ikiemoff and the governor, were punished for their cowardly cruelty to me, they (the Englishmen) would go to St Petersburg and lodge a complaint at headquarters - which meant the Emperor himself. The police-master then came over to me, and, looking me in the face, called me a dog and a pig, occasionally lifting his hand as though he would strike me. My friends again signalled to me to remain perfectly quiet and not flinch. All this sickening business, however, became too much for me, and I fell helplessly faint on the floor. I was immediately picked up and ordered off to join my comrades. My two English friends drove me to the house in their padvodi, and I was received with open arms by all my fellow-prisoners. Three weeks elapsed before I could use my jaws for masticating purposes. I may mention that Ikiemoff and the governor of the prison were both ignominiously dismissed from their offices, the

[88] latter being sent to the Crimea. The big sergeant who had so ill-used me in the cell was also sent there; but, previous to his being dispatched, I had the satisfaction of seeing him get a sound thrashing from one of our men, who performed the job heartily. I was not the first of the English prisoners who had been served in this fiendish manner; and when it became known that I had been taken away to the "Quartanik's" prison, the non-commissioned officers of our party at once resolved to go direct to the colonel of the gendarmerie. This officer was superior in rank to all the other officials in the town. Having lived for a number of years in Britain, he spoke English fairly well, and took a deep interest in the welfare of the prisoners. He ordered an immediate inquiry into my case, so that instead of being locked up in prison till next day I was brought before the police-master the same afternoon. There was in the town a fool of a fellow, a Welshman, named Tomkins, who had lived in Russia for many years, his wife being a teacher of English, French, and German. He was appointed to be interpreter in the proceedings, but having deceived us on one or two former occasions, and being evidently afraid to interpret correctly any serious complaints we had to make, we unanimously declined to have his services. Our Moscow friends had heard of this fellow's prevarications, and by good luck had come to the town on the day in question and accompanied our party to the colonel of gendarmerie and also to the police-master's. After that they came over to see

[89] us every month until we left Veronitz for Odessa, to be released; and we were indebted to them. for many little luxuries we should not otherwise have enjoyed.

[90] CHAPTER X. DESERTERS. WEEK after week, while in Veronitz, our numbers were increased by new arrivals of prisoners from the Crimea, including some of our wounded comrades whom we had left at Simferopol. Among these were Dryden of the 11th Hussars, who had no fewer than thirty-six wounds; Cooper and Duke of the 13th Light Dragoons, who had each been desperately wounded; and a man of my own regiment, named Lucas, who lost his left arm below the elbow at Balaclava. He had received a sword-cut across the back of his left hand, and the doctors at Simferopol thought it advisable to amputate the hand and a portion of the arm along with it. All of these poor fellows seemed to have been well cared for in hospital, for their hurts were well and solidly healed up. I regret to add that, amongst the prisoners who joined us here, were a number of deserters from our array. With one exception, they were a lot of unmitigated blackguards. The most of them volunteered to join the Russian army, but their offers were rejected with scorn. "No!" was the answer; "if you cannot serve in the British army we cannot trust you in ours." Thus they got the cold shoulder. They were not allowed to live in the house with us - we

[91] wouldn't have them; but were stowed away in out-houses of the establishment, such as the stables and cellars. At Veronitz we were at first allowed to walk about the town without any restraint. All we had to do was to answer to our names morning and night. Some of the deserters, however, spoiled this arrangement by their disgraceful behaviour on the streets. An order was subsequently issued that no man was to leave the house without special permission of the non-commissioned officers in charge of the guard. As for the blackguard deserters, they were chained together in gangs, and thus accoutred, compelled, like other prisoners in Russia, to sweep the streets of the town, When I saw them thus employed, it occurred to me that the same might not be a bad sort of treatment for habitual drunkards and wife-beaters in good old England. We received our allowance of thirty copecks a day weekly and, as sure as pay-day came round, one or other of the deserters would fall to be tried by court-martial - which we held amongst ourselves, the authorities not interfering - for some piece of blackguardism, the sentence usually being a couple of dozen strokes with a strap, well laid on the breech. On pay-day evenings, also, we used to have a "free-and-easy, " a sort of re-union - deserters excluded - when song and story were indulged in. In the course of these reunions, Sergeant-major O'Neil, of the 44th, narrated the story of how he was taken prisoner. One morning at daybreak, he said he went round the out-posts to call in the extra sentry - sentries

[92] being always doubled during the night - and, having completed his rounds, he saw a couple of men a little distance off. The atmosphere was somewhat obscured by mist, and he thought the objects were two of his own men whom he had neglected. Accordingly he called upon them to come in. The answer given was, "I can't come; I have a wounded officer here; I want assistance." O'Neil went over to investigate. He asked where the wounded officer was. "Over there, behind those bushes, " was the reply. "Come and see him." Unwarily, O'Neil obeyed, and in a moment found himself surrounded by a Russian picket. He attempted to draw his sword, but was immediately disarmed and made prisoner. From the description given of the fellow who had lured O'Neil, Parkes and I concluded that it was the blackguard whom we met at Prince Menschikoff's camp. Parkes then told the company about our meeting the fellow, and how he (Parkes) had served him. "And, bedad!" said a man of the 49th, "I was one of a party to shoot that same fellow. He came into our lines at Inkerman and nearly passed himself of as an officer. But he was detected leading us into a trap, and he was shot there and then." So ended the career of our Yankee man-of-war's man. A Scotch gentleman residing in Veronitz, named Christopherson, was very kind and attentive to us during our stay, procuring us many little extra indulgences. He visited the hospital almost every morning to see how the sick were progressing. My old acquaintance,

[93] Nettleton, was amongst the number. His was a very bad case; in fact, I don't think he lived long after being released from Russia. To him Mr Christopherson paid much attention, and I have reason to believe that that gentleman's kindness to us generally got him the displeasure of the authorities, for his visits to the prison suddenly ceased, and we saw him no more, much to our regret. In addition to making the acquaintanceship of this Scotch friend, another of my agreeable experiences in Veronitz was an introduction to a Russian family, named Natchiawow, the head of which was a hide and tallow merchant. . He detested the English; but as he was frequently from home I seldom met him. Besides himself, the domestic circle consisted of his wife - a very nice lady, fat and jolly, two sons and two daughters. I was always made welcome at this house, and when I was leaving the ladies presented me with a handsome silk handkerchief. Others of our men also got well taken out in Veronitz. Sergt. - major O'Neil lived for weeks with a gentle-man and his family at their mansion, a few. miles out of the town. Another of our non-commissioned officers was similarly entertained by an Englishman, a Mr James, who had a sugar factory in the country. The merchant seamen who had been captured on the 15th November, in the manner I have related, and Jack Campbell, a man-of-war's man, belonging to the Monarch, were taken to a house near to the side of the river (Voronitz, a tributary of the Don), where they were rigged out in a neat nautical uniform and employed

[94] in rowing pleasure parties about the river. These fellows lived like fighting cocks. But one day all came to an abrupt ending. A general officer of high rank came from St Petersburg to inspect the prisoners. His visit was so unexpected that there was not time to call in all the prisoners, and he kicked up a fine row; the result was that they were all brought in as soon as possible, and returned to their snuggeries no more. We remained in Veronitz up till the middle of August, when one day the colonel of gendarmes in-formed us that an order had arrived that we were to march of in course of a few days to Odessa, there to be released - on an exchange of prisoners. That was joyful news. Every heart was full of expectation and hope - expectation of a speedy release, and hope that we should all safely arrive at our journey's end. We were taken to an office and made to sign a book, stating whether we wished to go or remain in Russia. Of course none but deserters thought of remaining; we were only too glad of the chance to get away. One deserter decided to go back with us. His name was Hayes; but we had christened him the "Irish Arab." Rejoining his regiment, he was tried by court-martial, and, I believe, sentenced to be shot - a sentence, however, which was commuted to something, short of death. I have said that as regards bad characters there was amongst the deserters one exception. His case, particularly when we came to leave him behind, touched us all; it touches me now to recall it. He was a sergeant in a Highland regiment, named James

[95] Mitchell. He had been induced to desert by a wicked comrade, who told him all sorts of lying stories about his adjutant being against him, and being determined to have him reduced to the ranks. Then, one night, when both were together on out-post picket duty, this villain plied him with rum, and at last persuaded him to go over to the camp of the enemy. Poor Mitchell could never hold up his head among us. We sympathised with him so much that we urged him to come and live in the house along with us, but his feelings would not allow him. He said he wasn't worthy of being acknowledged by honourable prisoners. Before we left the poor fellow wrote a letter to his wife, who was living with her two children in Edinburgh. He allowed some of us to see it, and it was a most repentant and affecting letter. It was entrusted to me to post after my release; and deeply did I regret losing it on the journey to Odessa. It was in my bag, which was stolen from me by the road. The scoundrel who had wrought poor Mitchell's ruin had to be tried by us almost every week at our court-martial for misconduct; we almost broke his heart.

[96] CHAPTER XI. EN ROUTE TO ODESSA - A "ROW."

AT last the day arrived when we were to bid good-bye to Veronitz. The night before was a happy one. A number of friends in the town came and fraternised with us, and were very reluctant to go away. Next morning was one of glorious sunshine - quite in accordance with our own feelings. A number of vehicles were in the yard in readiness, and, after having been formed up and inspected by the police-master and colonel of gendarmes we got into them. We had an escort of twelve men only, under the command of a smart young officer newly from St Petersburg, and a regular "dandy." He wore black kid gloves, outside of which he sported three or four diamond rings, and was further adorned with a pair of very handsome bracelets. Altogether, he was the "pink of perfection, " but a very nice fellow withal. Although strict and haughty with his own men, to us he was affable and gentlemanly. He had, we learned, received strict injunctions not to attempt to strike any of us, because his colonel said to him, "if you do, you must look out for the consequences - an Englishman will always return a blow." As we were drawing out of the yard some of the deserters came to see us off. The sight was too much

[97] for some of them, and they cried like children. At that moment I really felt sorry for them, worthless characters as they were. After we left, as we learned later on, their money allowance was stopped, and they were allowed to go where they liked, and live or starve as they might. We never saw any of them again. In the vehicles we were paraded about the town before leaving, but when once outside the gates we started off at a brisk trot. The journey down the country to Odessa was at first much quicker than when going up. We stopped at a number of the towns we had passed through on coming, such as Starai-Oskol, where I paid a visit to my kind friend, the doctor, and his lady friend who had acted as his interpreter. At Karkoff our polite officer left us. He was relieved by another who was not so kind or courteous; in fact be was just the reverse. Before leaving, I may mention his predecessor took a few of us to a dancing saloon in Karkoff, where we had an hour's good fun, and later in the evening we were visited by some of our kind benefactors whose friendliness we had formerly experienced. I regretted, however, that Mr Aldridge, the tutor, was not amongst the number. From Karkoff our progress was not so rapid, as we had to fall back upon the old-fashioned bullock-carts, nearly all the horses having been requisitioned for service in the Crimea. We stopped a night in Pultowa, where some of us visited the site of the celebrated battle, when Charles XII of Sweden was so signally defeated by the Russians under Peter the Great. At Ekaterinaslov we

[98] also stopped a night, resuming the journey towards Odessa in the morning. On 20th September we came to a little place where the commanding officer of our escort, who had made himself particularly disagreeable from Karkoff, insisted upon making the whole of us - we mustered nearly 90 - go to a miserable dirty little prison for quarters. To this we unanimously objected. He bullied, and we gave him strong language in return, till at last he struck a little fellow named Dove, one of the merchant sailors of our party. He saw his mistake at once, for Dove immediately pitched into him, in John Bull fashion, till he was fain to take to his heels. We decided upon billeting ourselves in the village; and I fancy we did astonish the natives that night. Song and sentiment was the order of the evening; and the battle of the Alma was fought over and over again. Next morning we resumed our journey, as if nothing whatever had happened. That day we passed through a small village where we had to get a fresh relay of bullocks. There being some delay, our officer lost all patience that is to say, all that Dove had not knocked out of him the night before. He sent for the chief man of the place, and presently an old grey-bearded native who could scarcely totter was brought before him. In reply to the question why a fresh relay of bullocks had not been provided, the old man made some explanation or excuse, when the cowardly officer struck him violently across the face with a small stick he carried in his hand. He was about to follow this up by

[99] knocking the poor old creature down, when John West, boatswain of the merchantman before spoken of, threatened to throw him into a stream which ran close by - and would have done it too, had the other not shown the better part of valour in desisting. The bullocks appeared shortly thereafter, and we continued our march. Slow progress was made. At last, however, we arrived at a good-sized village, one day's march from Elizabethgrad, in Southern Russia. Here we once again had a row with the natives. Some weeks before, a number of Turkish prisoners on their way to Odessa had been billeted in the place. One of them went to the market-place to make some purchases, and whilst there he struck an old man - indeed the "oldest inhabitant " we were told. He was immediately surrounded by the women in the market, who in their fury nearly tore him to pieces. At any rate they killed him. Nor did this satisfy the people generally, for they rose en masse and massacred about 30 of the obnoxious Turks. A few days after this affair a small party of French prisoners came into the place. They were grossly insulted by the populace and then chased out of the village without being permitted to make any stay. When we arrived we noticed that we were regarded in a decidedly sulky and churlish manner. A number of us went to a kabak to get some refreshment, and whilst Jack Campbell, the man-o-war's man, was in the act of drinking a glass of vodka, a man knocked it out of his hand. This was the commencement of a serious shindy. Jack bled the

[100] fellow's nose, which he seemed not to like or to understand, and rushed out into the road rubbing the blood all over his face. The people then turned out in force, and we kept well together. They said they would serve us as they did the Turks and French, and they had evidently all the will to do it. Our escort tried to pacify them, but failed, so the result was a good big fight - which did not, however, last very long. They got the worst of it, and appeared to know it, as they fled in all directions. We remained that night, no one molesting us again. The day following we marched into Elizabethgrad. Whilst on the march we had missed Jack Campbell and a man of my regiment, named Michael O'Brien, who, however, both joined us in the town. They had stopped behind in the last village to get something, and when the people saw them by themselves they the advantage and attacked them, sending them on to us with black eyes and bruised heads. This roused the ire of a number of Irishmen of our party; and, as we had to remain in the town a whole day, some 13 or 14 of them volunteered to go back and chastise the cowardly scoundrels, which they accordingly did, in an efficient manner. Moreover on getting to Odessa we reported the whole affair to the commandant there, and were afterward told that he had caused the people to be summarily punished; in what manner I know not. On the way between Elizabethgrad and Odessa we came to one of the most curious places I have seen in my travels. No appearance of houses could be discovered; but here and there, over an

[101] extent of ground, we saw smoke as it were slowly rising out of the earth. It turned out that we had lighted upon a locality where the people lived like moles, burrowing in the ground. They commence the construction of their habitations by digging a large hole, in a slanting direction. To right and left of this passage, as I may call it, they cut out chambers, the roofs of which are supported by wooden planks. The chimney is formed by boring a hole in the roof upward to the outer air. One or two of the better off of these earth-dwellers sported a chimney-pot over the hole, but these were a small minority. I could imagine it to be a dangerous district for a horseman to travel over, especially after nightfall.

[102] CHAPTER XII. "THE ORDER OF RELEASE.

"IT was a day of joy to every one when at last we arrived at Odessa, with the reasonable prospect that now our weary marchings as prisoners in an enemy's country were at an end. We were all bestowed in a large house - not a prison - a little bit out of the town, where we made ourselves as snug together as possible. There were no beds, so we slept on the floor; but we had always a good fire on to keep the place warm and comfortable. We received many visits from well-to-do people of the town, the Swedish Consul acting as our interpreter; although by this time most of us had picked up enough of Russian to make our wants known. Our house, as have said, was a large one, and it had a flat roof, easily accessible by a trap-stair, on which we used to spend hours together, smoking and chatting, and enjoying the fine view it commanded of the town and bay of Odessa. One day we saw a great fleet of men-of-war (French and English) making for the port. The troops were immediately all under arms; the townspeople were panic-stricken. During the night immense batteries were thrown, up in the streets, and there was a constant tramp of troops marching to and fro. Next morning we were all called out and told that we were

[103] to be sent up country again, as the authorities expected every minute that the fleet would attack the town. That evening we distinctly heard the sound of distant cannonading. We learned afterwards that it was the allied fleets bombarding Kinburn; and the appearance of this squadron was merely a ruse to draw of a number of Russian troops from that point. The hubbub in Odessa was therefore a false alarm, and we remained where we were. During our stay we got up all sorts of amusements to pass time away. Among others we tried our hands at a dramatic. performance. A man of the 11th Hussars put together a piece which he called the "The Soldiers Return, " in which, having no ladies in our theatrical corps, I figured as the mother of our heroine, the latter being "made up" by Lucas, of my own regiment, who was naturally of somewhat effeminate appearance. I must not forget the orchestra, which consisted of two fifes, played by Jack West, the boatswain, and trumpet-major Crawford, respectively. Jack supplied the "hurries " and sensational music by playing all the hornpipes he knew; Crawford doing the pathetic bits with slow melodies ad libitum. After one or two rehearsals by ourselves we invited the Swedish Consul to witness the performance. He asked a few others to come with him, and they were all enraptured. Next day he came and told us that our fame had spread, and that a number of gentry in the town, as also the Commandant, had expressed a wish to see to perform. We agreed, of course; and that night (Saturday) we had a crowded house -

[104] no charge for admittance. The entertainments commenced with a concert, as we had some very fair vocalists among us; but we didn't keep this up long, as we could see that the audience had made up their minds that the "play was the thing." Again, everybody was delighted with the piece, the actors included. At the fall of the curtain the Commandant told the Swedish Consul that we were to order anything we wanted at his expense. After the performances we had a ball, to which a number of the townspeople and some young officers stayed and joined in the dance. Next day being Sunday we were all quiet. In the afternoon the Consul came and told us that the Commandant, together with some friends, intended coming to see us perform that night. We told him that could not be as it was Sunday. "Oh!" he said, "the theatres here are always open on Sundays." We replied that that might be so, but that at home in England respect for the Sunday forbade any such thing, and we asked him to present our compliments to the Commandant, and tell him that we could not perform that evening, but would be very glad to do so on the next. The Consul saw we were determined in this, so off he went. On the following morning (Monday, 23d October, 1855) we actors were busily engaged in rehearsing a new piece adapted from the old drama of "Jonathan Bradford " when a man rushed into the room, shouting " The ship's in! - the ship's in!'' Away went our manuscripts, up the stairs we flew, and there, in the court-yard, was the Commandant and

[105] his staff. The street outside was covered with people, and a strong body of Cossacks lined each side of it. We soon got our traps together, and were formed up in line, when the Commandant addressed us, through the interpreter. He said he was much pleased with our good behaviour during the time we had been in Odessa. He had heard something of our doings while on the march to this place, and was prepared to have to do with a lawless set of fellows; and was glad to find he had been so much mistaken. He was good enough to add that he could not but respect us for our firmness in not acceding to his wishes by performing before him and his friends on the previous evening. We were then each served out with a very good pair of boots and a white linen shirt, and refreshed with bread and cheese and beer, or vodka, ad libitum. Then we were formed into two lines, and an officer of our sappers and miners, Mr James, a prisoner of war, taking command of us, assisted by Sergeant-major O'Neil and other non-commissioned officers, we were marched out of the court-yard; and thereafter, escorted by a strong body, of soldiers, with a band in front, we paraded through the streets of Odessa, where we saw the batteries which had been so needlessly thrown up some nights before. Proceeding down to the jetty we there awaited the arrival of the tug-boat which was to take us off to the Oronocca troop-ship, lying in the offing. The Commandant came round and shook hands with us all, wishing us a safe return home. We were not long in getting on board

[106] the tug-boat. ; but before it started an officer, with the interpreter, went out in a boat towards the Oronocca, and, when about half-way across, displayed a flag of truce, which was acknowledged by the captain of the troop-ship, who immediately lowered away a boat to meet the Russian one. When the palaver between the two was over, the tug-boat at once started; and when we found ourselves on the water and knew we were about to tread the deck of a British vessel we gave three hearty cheers. Some, more sensitive, gave way to their feelings, and had "a good cry." Well, we got on board the Oronocca, which immediately sailed for Kinburn, where we arrived that same afternoon. There we remained all night, and next morning all the military men were transferred to the flag-ship Agamemnon, which in the course of the day steamed of to Sebastopol. On the following day (25th October) - exactly twelve months from the time I was taken prisoner at Balaclava - we passed Eupatoria, where the light cavalry were then on a special expedition. We held right on until getting within range of Sebastopol, when a small sailing boat was passed between us and the shore. Those on board made no appearance of saluting the flag-ship, as in duty bound. To call its attention to the matter, the commander of the Agamemnon ordered a shot to be fired over it. This shot did the double duty of waking up the sleepy craft and stirring up the good folks in Sebastopol, into which it fell. I happened to be standing close by when the gun was fired - the report and the

[107] concussion actually knocking me over on the deck. That was the first big start I got after my release from Russia. On the 26th we went round to Kadikoi, where we disembarked, and then marched to Balaclava, a distance of eleven miles. First of all, we were taken to the quarters of the commander-in-chief, where we were inspected by a staff officer and ranked in different "squads, " those who had been taken prisoner at Balaclava being kept together, those taken at Inkerman the same, and so on, until he learned how each man had come into the hands of the enemy. Our party, who were under the command of Sergt.-major Lincoln, 13th Light Dragoons, were ordered to march to the rear of the headquarters. He then came round and shook hands with us all, congratulating us upon our safe return from captivity. At the close of this ceremony, we each of us received a stiff "tot" of rum, and were then dispatched forward to rejoin the depots of our respective regiments at Balaclava. We arrived there at seven o'clock same evening, after having been "absent without leave" for just "a twelvemonth and a day."

THE END

FARQUHARSON,

Farquharson - Newcastle Courant version?

230 FERGUSON, R

[243] Sergeant R Ferguson, 4th Light Dragoons

I rode in the centre of the 1st Squadron. During the advance I saw the 11th Hussars on our left front, but saw nothing more of them after we arrived at the guns (the 4th was completely broken up). After taking possession of the battery, and disabling as many of the gunners and drivers as we came in contact with, some of us passed a little beyond, but there being no troops there, and an alarm being given that the Russian lancers were intercepting us, we began to retire, passing along their front as best we could, all order being lost. They appeared to come from the Traktir Road-it was in front of the guns we passed them, not in rear. I saw Lord Paget at this time, he retired with us. We had no gun spikes, I never saw one. At the time I had been 13 years in the service. [This appears to be the same as LC account 2, p.59]

231 FERGUSON, Fergusson Robert

Affidavit criticised in Cardigan-Calthorpe in Cardigan's pamphlet [transcribed PB April 2016] 10. Robert Fergusson, Sergeant, 4th Light Dragoons -- "Did not see Lord Cardigan till they re-formed on the original ground. "What right had he to do so, when Lord Cardigan had nothing to do with the supports? -- No evidence.

236 FORD

Daniel Deeran, Private B Troop, 4th Hussars, said: While we were charging up to the Battery and within three hundred yards of it we met Lord Cardigan alone retiring to the rear on a chestnut horse. He was cantering back and was on the left of the Fourth Light Dragoons. I know Lord Cardigan well and am quite certain that it was him I saw retiring. David Thomas, Private E troop, 4th Hussars: John Edden, Private A Troop 4th Hussars: John Ford, Private G Troop, 4th Hussars: and James Donoghue, formerly Band Sergeant, 8th Hussars gave similar evidence.

237 FORD, John

Check Crider p.60.

Also in old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"

AFFIDAVIT of JOHN FORD. a Private in the C. Troop of the 4th Hussars, now stationed at Newbridge in Ireland; sworn 29th May, 1863; filed 2nd June, 1863. SAY, I. I have been ten years and a half in the service. I was in the front rank, near the centre of the right squadron of the 4th LightDragoons. during the Light Cavalry charge at the Battle of Balaklava. 2. My horse was shot as we were advancing to the Russian guns, and fell with me, my leg being under him. This was about 300yards from the battery. While lying on the ground looking for some one to assist in lifting the horse off me, I saw Lord Cardigan to the left of where I was lying, cantering to the rear. He was quite alone. Just after Lord Cardigan passed me. aprivate named Farrell came up, and assisted in getting the horse off me.

238 FORD, John

[244] Private J Ford, 4th Light Dragoons says

My horse was killed about 150 yards from the guns. Whilst entangled with my dead horse, Lord Cardigan passed me galloping to the rear. As we advanced, many of the 17th Lancers [245] passed us returning. On recovering myself, I began to retire but could not run having been hurt in the fall. I had not proceeded far when the men of my regiment, and the 8th Hussars that has escaped, passed me galloping back up the valley. [EJB] Recollections of the ChargeIn an affidavit signed by him in the Cardigan-Calthorpe law-suit he stated that he was then a Private in "G" Troop, stationed at Newbridge, Ireland, sworn 29th May, 1863; filed 2nd June 1863. "1. I have been ten and a half years in the service. I was in the front rank near the centre of the right squadron of the 4th Light Dragoons during the Light Cavalry Charge at the Battle of Balaklava. 2. My horse was shot as we were advancing to the Russian guns, and fell with me, my leg lying [LC: "being"] under him. This was about three hundred [LC: "300"] yards from the battery. While lying on the ground and looking for someone to assist me by lifting the horse off me, I saw Lord Cardigan to the left of where I was lying, cantering to the rear. He was quite alone. [LC "Just after"] After Lord Cardigan passed me, a private named Farrell came up, and assisted in getting the horse off me. "Crider p.60 is similar, but with some minor differences (show above), and punctutaion.

239 FORD, John

Affidavit criticised in Cardigan-Calthorpe in Cardigan's pamphlet [transcribed PB April 2016] [9] 8. John Ford, 4th Light Dragoons -- "While lying on the ground saw Lord Cardigan cantering to the rear. "

GOSBELL, Joseph

http://shadowsoftime.co.nz/josephgosbellletter1.html

Extract of a letter written from The Crimea

to his wife by Private Joseph Gosbell

with a commentary by the newspaper which published it

Western Times, Saturday, 16 December 1854

Letter from a Private in the Fourth Light Dragoons - The Hospital at Scutari

The following is an extract from a letter written by Joseph Gosbell, to his wife who resides in St. Thomas. It is dated Scutari Hospital, Nov. 20th. Gosbell is a private in the 4th Light Dragoons, and had his leg broken in the gallant Cavalry charge at Balaklava.

`At one o'clock I fell near the enemy's guns. I was struck with a 24 pound shot and lifted clean out of the saddle; two of our regiment galloped over me, but did not hurt me. I let go my sword and the three day's pork and biscuit which I carried with me. I looked up, and saw the Russians killing our wounded. I called on God for strength, and he heard me. I lay four hours on the field, and was then taken to our hospital tent. Dr. Hunter put me a bit to rights; I was then taken on board ship, and after remaining there nine days, was brought to this place on the 5th November. The General Doctor ordered us wine, fowl and tea, which we had as soon as it could be got ready. This is a very good hospital and I am thankful I was sent here, if it was only to get a good wash and a clean shirt. The day that I came here, 40 women arrived from England to wash and dress the wounded, and they are very good to us. I have a good clean bed. I have good bread, mutton, tea, soup, a pint of porter or half a pint of wine daily. With this and kind treatment, I am doing well, and shall soon be able to walk about. When the men came here first, there was no one to take care of them, but it is quite different now. The Turkish Sultan is very good to the wounded, and so he ought, for it is him we are fighting for.'

310 GOWINGS, George 1445

See Crider p.64.

312 GRANT, Robert

CHECK AGAINST COPY IN EJBA 4H file vol 3 Check against Crider p.64. See version in old LC appendix IVIn Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"ROBERT GRANT ACCOUNT IN ILN & DT 1875. doc [PB: acc to DA the ILN version was re-printed from the D Telegraph) Transcript by RD (who seems to have copied it from DA) Check this version against Doug Austin's 2004 transcript in Balaklava Anniversary at Alexandra Palace 2 Oct 1875 p.18-19

"Robert Grant, another pensioner in Chelsea Hospital, says:

I was a private in the F troop of the 4th Light Dragoons. Lord G. [LC: George] Paget was our colonel, and there was also Captain Portal. I had been out all night with Major Halkett, of the 4th, visiting outlying pickets. There was a mounted picket of the 17th Lancers on a large hill - I think it was called Canrobert's Hill - and we also saw the Turkish sentries who were posted on the road. They told Major Halkett that the Russians were in the valley below, and he reported the fact during the night to the Brigade Major. When Halkett came in all the camp fires were ordered to be extinguished. The men of the Light Brigade had to turn out early in the morning, or rather to stand to their horses. We had not been allowed to undress on that as on other nights, but had been kept ready for orders. We had oftentimes been turned out for nothing, and that vexed us. "Were the men anxious to get at the enemy, then?" -- Yes; it was their general talk and feeling. They wished to have the war decided promptly and their desire was to get to close quarters as soon as possible. Well, the order came about eleven o'clock in the morning, and we were soon off in a trot. "Did the men express any surprise at such an order being given?" -- No; we had every confidence in our generals and officers. We knew they had a better knowledge of what the Russians were doing than we. They had field glasses and numbers of spies to give them information, so that we thought the order was given for the best. In the early part a peculiar thing occurred. A shot came over a hill and dropped on the neck of a horse belonging to a man named Gowens. The shot cut the horse's head off as cleanly as if it had been done with a knife. The horse stood for a moment and then dropped. Gowens got on to a spare horse, and in a few minutes afterwards this horse's head was also shot clear away. It was the artillery did this - it played fearful havoc with our horses. "Was not Gowens hurt?" -- Not a bit of it. The shot fell eight or nine inches behind the first horse's ears, and it took his head off as clean as a whistle. "Were any orders given to halt at any time when you were going down the valley?" -- We halted once for a short time near the road. The Russians saw us. They did not fire, but they were ready for us. They had man-holes - and I mean holes in which a man could stand without being seen. We could only see their heads at the best, and from these holes they fired on us all the way down, and I remember there was also a little trench flung up with green boughs. We soon saw the full force of the Russians. We got the squadron in quarter-distance, and that is the way we charged. All was confusion at the guns. Some of the men got down to cut the traces, but each man had to fight for his own life. "They were not, I suppose, told off for the purpose?" -- No; but every man did as he liked. "Can you remember any incident of the charge?" -- Well, something funny took place. I saw two or three old Russians on horses. I don't know what they looked like. They were quite old men. They appeared to be paralysed, and they did not seem pleased, and they did not look sorry. They were quiet and still. I put my sword against one of their faces and said, "What do you want here, you old fools?" I would not touch them. "That was chivalry, certainly. What made you 'spare the weaker knights'?" -- They were poor harmless fellows, who, as I thought, were obliged to be there. They were not volunteers, but old men who would have given all they had in the world to be somewhere else. They were not the right men in the right place, so I left them and turned my horse on to the young and strong, who were using their swords most vigorously. There were too many likelier sort of fellows about to touch without attacking those poor old cripples. Our officers had revolvers, and they did great execution with them. The privates had not revolvers. Those revolvers did great service. In fact, the officers altogether did a great deal more service than the men, because of the revolvers. Many of the Cossacks got shot foolishly like, for after one discharge they thought it was all over, but the revolver had several barrels. Those Cossacks were all for plunder, and they tried to surround our officers, but they got knocked down with the shots. I gave one man a "nick" between his shako and the top of his jacket. He fell, but I do not know whether I killed him. I can't remember whether he sang out at all, but he did not trouble me again. "Did you see the Lancers, about whom so much has been said?" -- I thought the Lancers were our Lancers, and I got close to them, but they did not stir. They were great cowards, and I heard from our prisoners afterwards that they were disbanded. I was actually going round to form on their flank, but devil a one stirred. I had passed them some distance when my horse was shot under me. He was hit in the hind quarter. His belly was cut open, and his legs wore broken. The shot came from a cannon that had a low sweep, and it struck him in the thick of the thigh. My leg was covered with blood. I could not get free from him for some time. Captain Portal passed, and said to me, "D--- you, get up; never mind your horse; " but I replied, "I can't, for he's lying on me." A private named Macgregor, of our regiment, however, came to my assistance. He asked me to get behind him on his horse, but I was not able, as I could not use my leg. I managed to find my way by some mystery at last to the camp, and they had pretty well all got home. I made the forty-fifth man of our troop who returned, and we went out with 185 men. It was worse coming back than going, for we did not know where we were. Lord George Paget thanked us all, as we reformed on the hill, saying, "Well, my brave fellows, I am thankful to see you back again." The Russians were afraid to follow us up the hill; for if they had they would have had it hot from our artillery, who were ready for them.

313 GRANT, R

[244] Corporal R Grant, 4th Light DragoonsWhen we charged into the guns I dismounted and could have used some gun spikes had I had them, but unfortunately none had been issued. I never saw a gun spike. We then disabled as many of the gunners and drivers as we could, to prevent them taking away the guns, feeling they were ours. After some little time I found myself in the rear almost alone, the greater portion of my regiment having retreated. Seeing the 11th coming up the valley pursued by the Russian Hussars, I galloped towards them. In tacking on to their rear, a sergeant of the Hussars galloped at me and tried to cut me down, but I defended myself. I did not see Lord Paget at this time, in fact I had not seen him since the moment we were approaching the guns. At the time I had been 19 years in the service.

314 GRANT, Robert

CHECK AGAINST COPY IN EJBA 4H file vol 3 - which has facsimile signatureDUPLICATE?GRANT fr CRIDERThis is an OCRd version of LC appendix IVIn Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"NOT PROOFREAD Source:

Illustrated London News

, October 30, 1875. p.439. "I was a private in the F troop of the 4th Light Dragoons. Lord George Paget was our Colonel, and there was also Captain Portal. I had been out all night with Major Halkett of the 4th, visiting outlying pickets. There was a mounted picket of the 17th Lancers on a large hill -- l think it was called Canrobert's Hill -- and we also saw the Turkish sentries who were posted on the road. They told Major Halkett that the Russians were in the valley below, and he reported the fact during the night to the Brigade-Major. When Halkett came in all the camp fires were ordered to be extinguished. The men of the Light Brigade had to turn out early in the morning or rather. to stand to their horses. We had not been allowed to undress on that as on other nights. but had been kept ready for orders. We had of ten times been turned out for nothing. and that vexed us. "Were the men anxious to get at the enemy, then?"-- Yes: it was their general talk and feeling. They wished to have the war decided promptly, and their desire was to get to close quarters as soon as possible. Well. the order came about [PB: ??] o'clock in the morning and we were soon off in a trot. "Did the men express any surprise at such an order being given?"-- No: we had every confidence in our Generals and officers. We knew they had a better knowledge of what the Russians were doing than we. They had field-glasses and numbers of spies to give them information. so that we thought the order was given for the best. In the early part a peculiar [PB: ??] played fearful havoc with our horses. [PB: There's a strange jump here, suggesting something has been left out!] "Was not Gowens hurt?"-- Not a bit of it. The shot fell eight or nine inches behind the first horse's ears, and it took his head off as clean as a whistle. "Were any orders given to halt at any time when you were going down the valley?"-- We halted once for a short time near the road. The Russians saw us. They did not fire, but they were ready for us. They had man-holes -- I mean holes in which a man could stand without being seen. We could only see their heads. at the best, and from these holes they fired on us all the way down; and I remember there was also a little trench flung up with green boughs. We soon saw the full force of the Russians. We got the squadron in quarter-distance, and that is the way we charged. All was confusion at the guns. Some of the men got down to cut the traces but each man had to fight for his own life. "They were not. I suppose. told off for that purpose?"-- No: but every man did as he liked. "Can you remember any incident of the charge?"-- Well, something funny took place. I saw two or three old Russians on horses. I don't know what they looked like. They were quite old men. They appeared to be paralysed, and they did not seem pleased and they did not look sorry. They were quiet and still. I put my sword against one of their faces and said, "What do you want here, you old fools?" I would not touch them. "That was chivalry, certainly. What made you spare the weaker knights?"-- They were poor harmless fellows who. as I thought. were obliged to be there. They were not volunteers. but old men who would have given all they had in the world to be somewhere else. They were not the right men in the right place, so I left them and turned my horse on to the young and strong who were using their swords most vigorously. There were too many likelier sort of fellows about to touch without attacking these poor old cripples. Our officers had revolvers, and they did great execution with them. The privates had not revolvers. Those revolvers did great service. In fact. the officers altogether did a great deal more service then the men, because of the revolvers. Many of the Cossacks got shot foolishly like. for after one discharge they thought it was all over. but the revolver had several barrels. Those Cossacks were all for plunder, and they tried to surround our officers, but they gotknocked down with the shots. I gave one man a "nick" between his shako and the top of his jacket. He fell, but I do not know whether I killed him. I can't remember whether he sang out at all, but he did not trouble me again. "Did you see the Lancers about whom so much has been said?"-- I thought the Lancers were our Lancers and I got close to them, but they did not stir. They were great cowards. and I heard from our prisoners (LC: ?) afterwards that they were disbanded. I was actually going round to form on their flank. but devil a one stirred. I had just passed them some distance when my horse was shot under me. He was hit in the hind quarter. His belly was cut open and his legs were broken. The shot came from a cannon that had a low swoop and it struck him in the thick of the thigh. My leg was covered with blood. I could not get free from him for some time. Captain Portal passed and said to me. "I ------- you, get up; never mind your horse." but I replied "I can't for he's lying on me." [PB: "I -----"? LC may have added the I in error since WL's version doesn't have it. ] A private named McGregor. of our regiment, however, came to my assistance. He asked me to get behind him on his horse, but I was not able as I could not use my leg. I managed to find my way by some mystery at last to the camp, and they had pretty well all got home. I made the forty-fifth man of our troop who returned, and we went out with 135 men. It was worse coming back than going, for we did not know where we were. Lord George Paget thanked us all as we re-formed on the hill. saying, "Well. my brave fellows, I am thankful to see you back again." The Russians were afraid to follow us up the hill; for if they hadthey would have had it hot from our artillery, who were ready for them.

778 GREGORY, 1417

SEE/TRANSCRIBE the article IN EJBA 4H file vol 3 - Quite detailed

323 GRIGG, GREGG, Joseph

Check against Crider p.66. Also in old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV". Also http://shadowsoftime.co.nz/JosephGrigg4LD1.html.

GRIGG JOSEPH CHARGE ACCOUNT from SHADES websitehttp: //shadowsoftime. co. nz/JosephGrigg4LD1. html`The Charge of the Six Hundred' by Joseph Grigg, 4LD, published in 1897 in a selection of recollections of service during the Queen's reign by Privates and Non-Commissioned Officers of the British Army entitled `Told From the Ranks, 'compiled by E. Milton Small. http: //shadowsoftime. co. nz/JosephGrigg4LD1. html

The Charge of the Six Hundred.

My father was a soldier at the time of the Battle of Waterloo, but he had at that time to do duty in Ireland. As a boy, I always had a desire to see a battlefield, and made up my mind to enlist in a cavalry regiment. On the 21st October 1843, when at the age of eighteen, I joined the 4th Light Dragoons, now the 4th Hussars, at Exeter, where I was born, and where the Regiment was then stationed. I enlisted for unlimited service. We were moved to various places, at each of which we stayed, as was usual in those days, twelve months. In 1851 I volunteered for service at the Cape, against the Kafirs, but was not accepted, as there were more volunteers than enough. In 1853 we were stationed at Chobham, when we were ordered to march to Canterbury, and, early in July in the following year, we marched from thence to Plymouth, where we embarked for the Crimea, on board the steamship Simla, on the 17th and 18th. The strength of the regiment was then twenty officers and three hundred and nine non-commissioned officers and men, who were under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lord George Paget, whose father, the Marquis of Anglesey, lost a leg at Waterloo. Lord George was a cool-headed, brave man, and was a great favourite with all under his command. He gave us good advice during our voyage out, and in many ways endeared himself to all of us. Our ship had a fast passage, doing the voyage in about fourteen days, as far as I can remember, and we had good weather during the whole time. We landed at Varna, and after a while re-embarked, and landed at Old Fort, near Eupatoria, on the 17th September. As we had to get our horses into boats, and bring them ashore, the business of disembarkation took some little time. On the 20th, when in sight of the heights of Alma, we were placed on the extreme left of the line, to protect the artillery, who were on the left of the infantry; it was our duty to keep back the Cossacks in order to prevent them getting in rear of our column. We could watch the attack from where we were, and saw the Rifle Brigade and the Highlanders and Guards go up the hills like cats. Nothing but death or wounds stopped them. We had but little to do, and only one or two of our men got slight flesh wounds. When our troops got to the top of the heights, we closed in towards the main body, but were not allowed to give chase, although the Russians were in full retreat. The fight, which began about noon, was over between three and four. We linked our horses together in long lines and set about getting things ship-shape, after which we had to take our horses down to the river for water. There is always plenty to do if you have a horse to look after. The men had been served out with three days' rations, and the horses carried provender to last them for the same period. When we had time to look about us, we were horrified by the sight of the wounded, who lay scattered around in all directions, higgledy-piggledy as you may say; sometimes legs and arms were lying by themselves while the men were lying a little distance off. Some lay in heaps of mingled friends and foes; in other places I saw Russians and Englishmen who were grappling when death overtook them. Where shells had burst, the bodies lay scattered around; but where large shots had struck the men, they were terribly mutilated, while the bullets had struck them in all parts of their bodies. Somewhere on the hill we came upon the ruins of a grand stand. It was supposed that the ships' guns had demolished it, and that it had been erected for Russian spectators, who expected it would take six weeks for us to get up the hills. Each regiment, as far as possible, picked up its own wounded and buried its own dead. During the two nights we remained on the battlefield our men were employed on vedette duty, and the moans of the wounded were terrible to listen to. Our men were out the greater part of the first night attending to them. They had strict orders not to plunder the dead, but I believe there was a little of it done, especially when the Russians wore earrings. The French were less particular about this than we were. One day I was mounted with my troop, waiting for orders from Lord Raglan, who was on a hill behind us, from whence he could see the greater part of the battlefield, and send an aide-de-camp with an order whenever necessary. From where we were formed up, we watched the enemy place nine field guns across the valley at about half a mile from us; and two field batteries of two guns each were put into position, one on a slope on the left of the guns, and one on the right. Two squares of infantry were also posted on the left of the guns, under cover of the guns on the hillside, while others were in possession of the redoubts which the Turks had deserted. I saw Captain Nolan, of the 15th Hussars, come galloping down from Lord Raglan to where Lord Lucan and Lord Cardigan were, and we knew then that there was something for us to do. Our men of the Light Brigade were the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own), as fine a regiment as ever carried lances; the 8th Hussars, a nice lot of fellows, always ready for anything in the fighting way; the 11th Hussars, who all did their duty well; the 13th Light Dragoons, as good as any in the fight; and our 4th Queen's Own Light Dragoons, who were as ready for it as the others. The Earl of Cardigan shouted out, "The Brigade will advance - March!" and Trumpet-Major Joy, who was orderly, sounded the "Trot" when we had got into walking order, and we then broke into a trot. Soon the trumpet sounded "Gallop, " and afterwards "Charge, " and away we went at a splendid pace. As we got nearer the guns our pace was terrific; the horses were as anxious to go as we were; mine snorted and vibrated with excitement, and I could hardly keep my seat, for we seemed to go like the wind. We were in three lines: in the first, as nearly as I can remember, were the 13th Light Dragoons and 17th Lancers; second line, 4th Light Dragoons and 11th Hussars; third line, 8th Hussars. The lines were about a hundred yards apart, so when a man went down with his horse, the man behind him had time to turn his horse on one side or jump him over the obstacle. Every man thus had all his work to do to look before him, and there were not many chances to watch the dreadful work of the shots, shells, and bullets, which were showered at us from all directions. The first man to fall was Captain Nolan, who went down directly we got within the range of their guns; but soon afterwards men and horses began to fall fast; the man on my right hand went down with a crash, and soon afterwards the man on my left went down also. I remember, as we neared the guns, Captain Brown, who was in command of our squadron, called out to the men in the second line, who were getting too near the front, "Steady, men, steady! you shall have a go in directly. "Just before we got to the guns, we have three loud cheers, and then, in a moment, we were among the enemy. As I passed the wheel of the gun-carriage the gun was fired, and I suppose some of the 8th Hussars got that shot, or shell, or whatever it was. The wind was blowing from behind us, and the smoke from the guns prevented us from seeing very well what work there was for us to do. The first man I noticed was a mounted driver. He cut me across the eyes with his whip, which almost blinded me, but as my horse flew past him, I made a cut at him and caught him in the mouth, so that his teeth all rattled together as he fell from his horse. I can fancy I hear the horrible sound now. As he fell I cut at him again; and then I made for another driver, and cut him across the back of his neck, and gave him a second cut as he fell. A few gunners stood in a group with their rifles, and we cut at them as we went rushing by. Beyond the guns the Russian cavalry, who should have come out to prevent our getting near the gunners, were coming down upon us howling wildly, and we went at them with a rush. I selected a mounted Cossack, who was making for me with his lance pointed at my breast. I knocked it upwards with my sword, pulled up quickly, and cut him down across the face. I tried to get hold of his lance, but he dropped it. As he was falling, I noticed that he was strapped on to the saddle, so that he did not come to the ground, and the horse rushed away with him. His lance, like all the others used by the Cossacks, had a black tuft of hair, about three inches from the blade, to hide a hook having a sharp edge, with which the reins of their enemies are cut when the lance is withdrawn after a thrust. Some men of the 4th, and I, made for several other Cossacks who were there in a body, cutting our way through them as through a small flock of sheep; and while thus engaged, the batteries on the slopes fired upon us, and their own men also, which was strange warfare, to say the least of it!Just then I heard Lord George Paget call out, "Rally on me!" I turned and saw him holding up his sword, and we all turned our horses towards where he had taken up a position in front of the guns. On arriving there, we noticed a regiment of Polish Lancers, which had come out from an opening in the hills behind us and was preparing to charge our rear; we thereupon charged through the guns again, killing several Russian Hussars who were still there. It seemed to me then, in the terrible din, confusion, and excitement, that all the gunners and drivers were on the ground, either dead or wounded. Before the Polish Lancers had time to form lines and attack us, the Chasseurs d'Afrique (a French regiment), who were coming down the valley at a sweeping pace, drove them down with great loss. After a short engagement with the Russian Hussars, we turned our horses in the direction of our starting-place and rode back the best way we could, under fire of the infantry and the batteries on the hills. I was in company with a comrade belonging to my own troop, and all of a sudden down went his horse, and he pitched over its head and lay helpless on the ground. I immediately dismounted and picked him up, when I found his shoulder was dislocated. Regimental Sergeant-Major Johnson, of the 13th Light Dragoons, who was coming up behind us, rode towards us, calling out, "What's the matter?" and between us we got him back in safety. Captain Portal, who did not get a wound, rode an Irish horse called "Black Paddy." A large piece of a shell struck it in the shoulder, and directly we got back the poor animal fell dead. The captain had the hoofs cut off and preserved. I saw them some time afterwards beautifully polished, shoes and all. Captain Hutton, I believe, was wounded in several places, and so was his horse, which also fell dead directly it returned from the charge. Private Samuel Parks, Lord Paget's orderly, who dismounted to pick up Trumpet-Major Crawford, was taken prisoner with several others. After thirteen months he was exchanged, and Lord George Paget asked him all about his doings. He told us that General Menschikoff said to him, "Did they make all your men drunk before the charge?" "No Sir, " he answered, "unless a pen'orth of rum in an evening would do it, for we only pay a penny a day for our allowance." "Well, " said the General, as he walked away, "I never saw a prettier charge in all my life. "Parks also told us that he and some others were taken to St. Petersburg, where they were well treated, and allowed eightpence a day each for food, which was very cheap. On the following day, General Cathcart wrote to our commanding officer for an orderly, to be sent to take the place of one of the five men who were chosen for this duty, who had fallen sick. The Captain sent me up with a letter, and from that time I acted as one of the General's orderlies. On the afternoon of the 4th of November there was a meeting of all the commanding officers up at Lord Raglan's quarters. General Cathcart called me to him in the evening, and said, "Don't go away, Grigg; I may want you presently." Later on he called me, and said, "Do you know where Captain Gordon is to be found?" I answered that I did not know, but would soon find him. The General replied, "You know the windmill; go direct to it, turn to the left, and then inquire of the sentries. "The night was pitch dark when I got to where the sentry was posted. He challenged me with the usual "Who goes there?" I explained that I wanted Captain Gordon [later General Gordon] of the Engineers, and, after being passed from one sentry to another, I was at last conducted to a very little tent in the most advanced post in front of Sebastopol. The captain was sitting all alone in his tent, with no light burning, for fear of making a mark for the Russian gunners. The sentry called gently, "Captain Gordon." "Yes, " he answered, coming to the tent door; "what is it?" "I have come from General Cathcart, sir, " I answered. "Yes, and what have you got?" he asked. "A little note for you, sir, " I replied, handing him the letter. He stepped into the tent again, struck a wax match, and read the note, and I heard him say as he read it, "Prepare for action in the morning." Then, coming to the tent door again, and speaking in a low voice, he said to me, "Tell the General, `All right. ' Good-night. "I bade him good-night and found my way back, wondering what the next day would bring forth. On arriving at the General's tent, I took up my position as usual behind it, waiting for orders. He always dressed himself ready for fighting before he lay down for the night. It was a miserable night, with a mist and fog that soaked into our clothes, and just before the day broke we heard firing in the direction of our outposts. The General came out from his tent and ordered the bugler, who stood beside me, to sound the "Assembly." The call was taken up all over the camp, and in a moment all the troops were on the move. The General mounted his horse, and I followed him. It was not long before shot and shell were flying in all directions, and our men were moved out to meet the approaching Russians, who were creeping upon us through the dense fog. I was sent to various parts of the field with orders, and during my rides saw many shocking sights. My last order from the General was to go and bring a French battery and post them at a certain spot, and when I returned to the Staff I found the General had been in the thick of the fight and was missing. Later in the day, when we found him, he had a bullet wound in the head and three bayonet wounds in his body, and was quite dead. As near as I can remember, it was somewhere about four o'clock in the afternoon when the Russians retreated, helter-skelter, back to their own ground round Sebastopol. After the fight (since known as the Battle of Inkermann) I had to go to the commanding officers of the Fourth Division, to ascertain how many men were fit for night duty. I forget the exact numbers, but I know they were very much reduced. The next few days were taken up in attending to the wounded, and burying the dead in large pits. The Turks had to most of the burying, and had ropes to put round the bodies and drag them to the pits. Our men allowed them to treat the Russian dead that way, but made them carry the English. I saw little of these sights, as I was always riding about on orderly duty, and every now and then I had to go down to Balaklava with letters, which I handed to a petty officer of the ship that was to take despatches to England. These rides to Balaklava were sometimes most difficult, for the roads were so muddy that the horse would sink in up to his knees, and, as fodder was scarce, the horses were nearly dead from starvation. At first we had found large quantities of grapes at Balaklava, and even fed our horses with them, but at last matters got so bad that I have known the horses eat each other's manes and tails, and bite at the men's beards and clothing. At the best of times we only gave them two feeds a day, with only six pounds of barley each feed. About the 20th December, I rejoined my troop at Balaklava, and took my turn with the others at outlying picket duty until the fall of Sebastopol. A few days afterwards our commanding officer gave some of us permission to go into the town to see the result of our siege. The first place I noticed was a church, which had a wooden porch built over the pathway, in which a large bell was hung, having a thick rope tied to the clapper so that a man in the street might ring it. The place appeared to be utterly deserted; the churches into which I looked were empty, with large holes knocked in the roofs through which our shots had crashed. Many shots and shells were lying in the roads, and many houses were in ruins, for the Russians had left convicts in the town to burn it down. I don't think I saw anything intact anywhere. When peace was proclaimed, I left with others for Scutari, and afterwards sailed for England, reaching Portsmouth on the celebration of the Queen's birthday, when all our ships in the harbour were illuminated. After spending some time at various places, I took my discharge in 1860, and in the following year joined the 5th Lancers and went to India; returning in 1869, and finally leaving the service on the 5th of June in five years and twelve days, and having received the Crimean medal with four clasps, the Turkish medal, and one Good Conduct medal. Joseph Stockham Grigg, 4LD4th Light Dragoons Index: Shadows Homepage:

324 GRIGG, Gregg Joseph GRIGG fr CRIDERNOT PROOFREADCOMPARE with previous entry [creation no. 129] Source: from Told from the Ranks, ed. by Milton Small, pps 644-59.

"From where we were formed up, we watched the enemy place nine field guns across the valley at about half a mile from us; ' and the two field batteries of two guns each were put in position, one on a slope on the left of the guns, under cover of the guns on the hillside, while others were in possession of the redoubts which the Turks had deserted". I saw Captain Nolan of the 15th [PB: ??] Hussars, come galloping down from Lord Raglan to where Lord Lucan and Lord Cardigan were, and we knew then that there was something for us to do. Our men of the Light Brigade were the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own), as fine a regiment as ever carried lances; the 8th Hussars, a nice lot of fellows, always ready for anything in the fighting way; the 11th Hussars, who all did their duty well; the 13th Light Dragoons, as good as any in the fight; and our 4th Queens Own Light Dragoons, who were as ready for it as the others. The Earl of Cardigan shouted, "The Brigade will advance -- March!" and Trumpet-Major Joy [LC: sic - Grigg means William Brittain, who was Cardigan's Brigade Trumpeter] , who was orderly, sounded the "Trot" when we got into walking order, and we broke into a trot. Soon the trumpet sounded "Gallop, " and afterwards "Charge" and we went away at a splendid pace. [PB: check against original. . . there's some duplication in LC, including this bit: The Earl of Cardigan shouted, "The Brigade will advance -- March!" and the two field batteries of two guns each were put in position, one on a slope on the left of the guns, under cover of the guns on the hillside, while others were in possession of the redoubts which the Turks had deserted". ] As we got nearer the guns our pace was terrific; the horses were as anxious to go as we were; mine snorted and vibrated with excitement, and I could hardly keep my seat, for we seemed to go like the wind. We were in three lines: in the first, as nearly as I can remember, were the 13th Light Dragoons and 17th Lancers; second line, 4th Light Dragoons and 11th Hussars; third line, 8th Hussars. "" The lines were about a hundred yards apart, so that when a man went down with his horse, the man behind him had time to turn his horse on one side or jump him over the obstacle, livery man thus had all his work to do to look before him, and there were not many chances to watch the dreadful work of the shots, shells, and bullets, which were showered at us from all directions. The first man to fall was Captain Nolan, who went down directly when we got within the range of their guns; but soon afterwards men and horses began to fall fast; the man on my right hand went down with a crash, and soon afterwards the man on my left went down also, I remember, as we neared the guns. Captain Brown, who was in command of our squadron, called out to the men in the second line, who were getting too near the front. "Steady, men, steady! you shall have a go in directly." Just before we got to the guns, we gave three loud cheers, and then, in a moment, we were among the enemy. As I passed the wheel of a gun-carriage the gun was fired, and I suppose some of the 8th Hussars got that shot, or shell, or whatever it was. The wind was blowing from behind us, and the smoke from the guns prevented us from seeing very well what work there was for us to do. The first man I noticed was a mounted driver. He cut me across the eyes with his whip, which almost blinded me, but as my horse flew past him, I made a cut at him and caught him in the mouth so that his teeth all rattled together as he fell from his horse. I can fancy I hear the horrible sound now. As he fell I cut at him again; and then I made for another driver, and cut him across the back of his neck and gave him a second cut as he fell. A few gunners stood in a group with their rifles, and we cut at them as we went rushing by. Beyond the guns the Russian cavalry, who should have come out to prevent our getting near the gunners, were coming down upon us howling wildly, and we went at them with a rush. I selected a mounted Cossack, who was making for me with his lance pointed at my breast. I knocked it upwards with my sword, pulled up quickly, and cut him down across the face. I tried to get hold of his lance, but he dropped it. As he was falling, I noticed that he was strapped onto the saddle, so that he did not come to the ground, and the horse rushed away with him. His lance, like all the others used by the Cossacks, had a black tuft of hair, about three inches from the blade, to hide a hook having a sharp edge, with which the reins of their enemies are cut when the lance is withdrawn after a thrust. Some of the men of the 4th and I, made for several other Cossacks who were there in a body, cutting our way through them as through a small flock of sheep; and while thus engaged, the batteries on the slopes tired upon us, and their own men also, which was strange warfare, to say the least of it! Just then 1 heard Lord George Paget call out, "Rally on me! " I turned and saw him holding up his sword, and we all turned our horses towards where he had taken up a position in front of the guns, on arriving there, we noticed a regiment of Polish Lancers, which had come out from an opening in the hills behind us and was preparing to charge our rear; we thereupon charged through the guns again, killing several Russian hussars who were still there, it seemed to me then, in the terrible din, confusion, and excitement, that all the gunners and drivers were on the ground either dead or wounded. Before the Polish Lancers had time to form line and attack us, the Chasseurs D'Afrique (a French regiment), who were coming down the valley at a sweeping pace, drove them back with great loss. After a short engagement with the Russian hussars, we turned our horses in the direction of our starting-place and rode back the best way we could, under fire of the infantry and the batteries on the hills. I was in company with a comrade belonging to my own troop, and all of a sudden down went his horse, and he pitched over its head and lay helpless on the ground. l immediately dismounted and picked him up, when I found his shoulder was dislocated. Regimental Sergeant Major Johnson of the 13° Light Dragoons, who was coming up behind us, rode towards us, calling out, "What's the matter?" And between us we got him back in safety. Captain Portal, who did not get a wound, rode an Irish horse called "Black Paddy." A large piece of a shell struck it in the shoulder, and directly we got back the poor animal fell dead. The captain had the boat's [PB: hoofs?] cut off and preserved. I saw them sometimes afterwards beautifully polished, shoes and all. Captain Hutton, l believe, was wounded in several places, and so was his horse, which also fell dead directly it returned from the charge. Private Samuel Parks (sic), Lord Paget's orderly, who dismounted to pick up Trumpet Major Crawford, was taken prisoner with several others. After thirteen months he was exchanged, and Lord George Paget asked him all about his doings. He told us that General Menschikoff said to him, "Did they make all your men drunk before the charge?" "No, sir, " he answered, "unless a pen'orth of rum in an evening would do it, for we only pay a penny a day for our allowance." "Well, " said the General, as he walked away, "I never saw a prettier charge in all my life." Parks also told us that he and some others were taken to St. Petersburg, where they were well treated, and allowed eightpence a day for food, which was very cheap. "Ed. [LC] Note: "Most sources put the distance at a mile and a quarter or a mile and a half." "The number of guns at the end of the North Valley differs in varying accounts, the usual number being quoted as either eight or twelve. 'Grigg means William Brittain who was Cardigan's Brigade Trumpeter. Although there were three lines, the 4th was in the third line along with the 8th while the 11th Hussars formed the second line.

350 HERBERT, James Henry

Check against Crider p.70.

Herbert, J. H., Survivors Tales of Great Events (Royal Magazine Vol XIII)

HERBERT ACCOUNT

SURVIVOR'S TALES OF GREAT EVENTS

The Second of a Series of Soul-stirring Stories of British Valour, in which each Narrative is Taken from the Lips of One who Actually Passed Though the Events Described. Here the Famous Charge of the light Brigade is Set Forth by One of its Heroes, Mr. H. Herbert. GLEANED AND EDITED BY WALTER WOOD. No. II. - THE CHARGE OF THE LIGHT BRIGADE. FROM THE NARRATIVE OF MR. H. HERBERT, * 4TH LIGHT DRAGOONS.

Mr. H. Herbert, the narrator of this story of the charge of the Light Brigade, was born at Bristol nearly seventy-two years ago. He enlisted in the 4th Light Dragoons, now the 4th Hussars, and at the age of twenty-one rode in the immortal charge. He left the Service at the end of the Crimean War with the rank of sergeant - a sufficient testimony to his abilities and seal. He began business as a builder, and for twenty years was successful. Then misfortune overtook him, and he accepted a post as night-watchman, which he kept until he was compelled to resign it through rheumatism. For ten years he was chairman of the Balaklava Relief Committee, an admirable institution, the head of which is now Mr. T. H. Roberts. It has been the means of rescuing many survivors from the workhouse, and is able to keep body and soul together for them in their ending years. The oldest survivor is severity-nine years old. Seventeen were on the stage of the Alhambra at a benefit performance on the fiftieth anniversary of the charge. The curtain rose to the strains of "The Boys of the Old Brigade, " and fell to the sad and significant bugle sounding of the "Last Post." HERE, in brief, is the story of the Battle of Balaklava, of which the mistaken but glorious Charge of the Light Brigade is the most famous incident. It was October the 25th, 1854. Sebastopol was besieged by the allied armies of England, France and Turkey, whose base was the sea-port of Balaklava. Thirty thousand Russians were posted in the vicinity, and their attempts to relieve Sebastopol by driving the British from Balaklava led to the battle. The enemy advanced, captured some guns in British redoubts, and attempted to remove them. They were temporarily disorganized by the gallant charge of Sir James Scarlett with the Heavy Brigade. But the guns being still in peril, Lord Lucan, commanding, the Light Brigade, received orders to follow the enemy and prevent him carrying out his design. The Light Brigade then swept into the " Valley of Death, " where in a few moments nearly half of them were lost. "The object of the Russians, " Mr. Herbert told me, "was to capture Balaklava Harbour, and so bring about the loss of our base. But the harbour was strongly fortified on the heights surrounding it; and in addition a frigate was moored broadside on at the top of the harbour, so that she was able to sweep the surrounding country with her guns. "We thought we were to attack the Russians on October 22nd or 23rd, 1854, but we did not do so until the z5th, the day of the charge. Of course our staff must have observed a movement amongst the Russians, whom they could see through their glasses; but to us, with the naked eye, they were invisible. We had been continually standing to our horses, and were doing so during the greater part of the 24th, returning to our camp late at night.

NEXT SECTION TRANSCRIBED EARLIER and already online.

"It was the custom when on active service in those days to turn out and stand to our horses for two hours before daybreak, and on the 25th we turned out about four o'clock. The weather was cold, and we welcomed the order to 'Stand Down'. We next proceeded to dismount, and stood to our horses for some time. A few men were able to take a snack of something to eat, but only those who had saved part of the last rations issued on the previous day, for on that morning we had turned out in a violent hurry, and there was no time to do the little odds and ends of work that had been overlooked. For instance, the straps under my trousers were still unbuttoned, because in the hurry of mounting I had no time to secure them. The riding and galloping had made me very uncomfortable. There were no jack-boots in those days - and my trousers had wriggled up my legs. I said to a comrade of mine, a young man from Birmingham, named Thomas Fletcher: 'Tom, will you button up my straps for me? He willingly obliged, and was just finishing the job when Captain Nolan galloped up to Lord Lucan. [This was [1271 Thomas Fletcher, 4th Light Dragoons] What passed between Captain Nolan and Lord Lucan I cannot pretend to know, because I was not close enough to hear anything: but at any rate, Lord Cardigan shouted: 'Stand to your horses, men! Prepare to mount! Mount!' The order was then given: 'The Light Brigade will advance!' We knew one thing - we knew what was expected of us, for two or three days before the charge Lord Lucan had addressed us, saying: 'Keep your horses well in hand, men, and obey your officers: but when you get in amongst the Russians, 'skiver' them well!' As he spoke, he gave us with his own sword an illustration of what he meant - which was - pointing and cutting with the weapon. Lord Lucan had previously served in the Russian Army. He was a regular fire-eater. Lord Cardigan and he were well matched in that respect. The advance began. We had not gone more than two or three hundred yards when the Russians bellowed fire from three batteries of guns, with ten guns in a battery. There were ten on our left, ten on our right, at a distance of about a mile, and ten at the bottom of the valley, with their muzzles pointing directly at us. All these batteries were field guns, and very much superior to ours. The batteries opened up a dreadful fire from these three quarters - straight ahead and on our right and left: and, in addition, there must have been great numbers of Cossacks and infantry in ambush on our right, because from that direction also a murderous fire was coming. Rushing into the 'jaws of death' like that our men dropped from their saddles by dozens. Some were wounded, some killed on the spot and fell out of their saddles. There were cases of men and horses being literally blown to pieces by shells. Soon after we started the wild rush of the living men was accompanied by maddened horses with empty saddles. The first man to fall in the charge was the officer who, rightly or wrongly, had brought the order for it - Captain Nolan. He was ripped up the breast by a piece of shell, and fell from his horse with terrible cries: but his foot got fixed in the stirrup and he was dragged for a considerable distance. Our own Major - Major Halkett - was struck by a shell or cannon-ball, full in the chest, and killed on the spot. Very soon my own chum, Tom Fletcher, was shot. He was a brave soldier and a splendid horseman; but the heavy fire was disorganising and he got a little behind me. I shouted: 'Keep up, Tom!'. The words were no sooner out of my mouth than I heard a whiz and a thud, and a bullet which had just grazed me struck him in the back of the head. But he held on, wounded though he was, and fought on until he was taken prisoner. He lived for a little while, but died not long afterwards in the Crimea. The Light Brigade was advancing in three lines - the 13th Light Dragoons and the 17th Lancers forming the first, the 4th Light Dragoons and the 11th Hussars the second line, and the 8th Hussars the third. Lord Cardigan was in command, and led the first line; Colonel Douglas the second, and Lord George Paget the third. The 17th had lances, the rest of us carried swords, although as light cavalry we had been through the lance exercise. From our starting point to the place where the farthest guns - those at the far end of the valley were stationed - was at least a mile and a quarter; and for the whole of that distance we rode through a perfect blaze of fire. So terrible was the flanking fire on our right and left, that when we reached the bottom of the valley there were no more than about one hundred men remaining mounted. We literally flew at the batteries; but by the time we got to the guns the first line of the Brigade had melted away. It had by then almost been annihilated by shot and shell. When we reached the battery we found that the gunners had limbered up their guns and were slowly retreating. We galloped up and surrounded them as best as we could with our shattered numbers and stopped them from going. Then the most terrible part of the whole mad business came. The gunners tried to escape from the fury of our men by crawling under the guns; but the drivers had not the time to get away from their horses. They were sabred as they tried to dismount, and a good many of our men dismounted and struck the Russians under their own guns or routed them out at the point of the sword. At such a time nothing could escape - men had no time to think, and the very horses were stabbed and killed. As far as my recollection goes there was not a man or horse who escaped alive in the whole of the battery. Many of the men were fighting dismounted, their horses having been killed by fire or steel. Some of them performed prodigies of valour, amongst them being Samuel Parkes, a private of my regiment 635 Samuel Parkes, 4th Light Dragoons] . When we were mixed up with the guns Parkes was on foot, his horse having been killed. He was surrounded by Russians and fought like a demon. In a curious way he got level with his officer, for he disobeyed an order. He was going for a Russian, and for some reason the officer shouted, 'Spare him, Sam!' But Parkes was too busy looking after his own skin, and the Russian had to go. He fought as long as he could, and then had to surrender or be cut to pieces. He surrendered, and was made a prisoner, but not before his sword had been smashed by a shot. The Russians kept him for twelve months, then he was released, and was awarded the Victoria Cross for his valour during the fight. For many years he lived at the Marble Arch, where he was the attendant. We had captured the guns fairly enough, and for a short time they were actually in our possession; but the Russians were seen to be hurrying up large bodies of troops to rob us of the fruits of our charge. The enemy was seen by our officers. Lord George Paget shouted to Colonel Sherwell, commanding the 8th: 'We must rally on the Lancers, men!' evidently believing that a body of the Lancers had advanced to our support. He was at that time looking up the valley - the 'Valley of Death' -as we now know it. One or two of our men, amongst them a sergeant called Andrews, shouted back, 'But they're Russian Lancers!' Then Lord George replied that we must hold together and cut our way through them; and the order was given to go about and retire. That indeed, was the only thing to do, because it was clear that the handful of men who were lucky enough to be still living could do nothing against the Russian masses who were now in motion against us. To stay where we were was to be cut to pieces - and all for nothing - inasmuch as we had no supports, and could not take the guns away. As for supports, it was fortunate, in a way, that we were without them; for if they had advanced they would have been served in the same way as the Light Brigade. There would have been no help for it, because the odds were so overwhelmingly against us. When we went about we made for the Lancers, whom we now saw clearly enough. They were drawn up in a line right across the valley, not far from the points at which the flanking batteries on our right and left were placed. Our horses were utterly winded, and terribly distressed with the charging and galloping down the valley for more than a mile. It was impossible to get them to go very fast; but the remnants of the five regiments obeyed the order to hold together, and went at the Russian Lancers. Strictly speaking, not a soul in the Light Brigade should have been permitted to return, in view of the superior numbers of the enemy, their freshness, and our own exhausted state. We rushed in amongst them and there was a renewal of the cutting, slashing, pointing and parrying of the early part of the fight. There was no fancy work, but just hard business, and it fulfilled its object, for we cut our way through the opposing Lancers. There was a repetition of a savage thing that happened to us as we dashed down in the beginning - the Russian batteries continued to blaze away even when we were mixed up with their own people, and destroyed friend and foe alike. It was merciless butchery as far as their own people were concerned, although it was fair enough in our case, as we were objects to be destroyed. The charge had caused us to be scattered and utterly disorganised and separated, so we retreated pretty well any-how and as best as we could. Many a friend was missing, and some that I never thought I would ever see again were found. There was one amongst them a member of my own troop, that I did not expect to ever set eyes on, but I overtook him on our retreat. [PB: Who was this?] I saw that something was wrong, as he was terribly pale, so I said to him, 'Hello, Bill, what's the matter? Are you hurt?' He said 'Yes, I am: I'm shot through the foot and leg. ! 'Here, old boy, ' I told him, 'You must get out of this. Hang on to the saddle and give me the reins. I'll get you through. ' I did get him through luckily, and when we were safely back I saw him taken off his horse. He was then removed to one of the hospital ships in Balaclava, doctored, and invalided home. He wrote me a letter afterwards to say that he had heard I had got the first step to being a general. So I had - I had been promoted to corporal. A few lucky ones amongst us got safely back - and a melancholy return it was. . . Ages seemed to have passed since we charged down the valley, and yet the whole of the desperate business had been done well within half-an hour. We staggered in, some singly, some in two's and threes: and the way we were met and cheered and helped showed how stunned those who had been left behind, and had seen us going on an undertaking that looked sheer madness and certain death for every man and horse. We were back at last - but what a handful! When we returned to our tents that night some were perfectly empty, for not a single man belonging to them was alive: while others, which had sheltered twelve soldiers in the morning, now only held two. The camp seemed quite deserted, and the shadow of death lay heavy upon it. Some of our brave fellows were, we knew, in the hands of the Russians, because their horses had been shot down, they themselves wounded and escape was impossible, but most of the missing were dead. After Balaclava we were under the command of the French General D'Allonville at Eupatoria. We tried very hard to get the Russians to have another brush with us, but they would never face us again. It has always been a disputed point as to whether the trumpets sounded the 'Charge' or not. The order was 'Walk!' then 'Trot!' The men found they were passing through such a murderous fire that they all wanted to get at the enemy as soon as possible. Accordingly they began to gallop, and from the gallop they broke into the charge. But I never heard any 'Charge' sounded, and other survivors bear me out in this statement. "

ENDS

351 HERBERT, James Henry

His portrait appeared in the "Illustrated London News" for the 30 of October 1875 and again, with an account of the Charge, in the "Answers" magazine for the 26 of October 1912. LC 3rd ed p72 quotes as follows from Answers Magazine 26 Oct 1912, 626, courtesy of Paul Burns and Glenn Fisher. ] : CHECK AGAINST COPY IN EJBA 4H file vol 3 - which has facsimile signature "My experience was not much different to that of other men who took part in the Charge. After we had cut through the guns, and Lord George Paget gave us the order to retreat, we had to charge the Russian cavalry who had been sent to cut us off from our own lines. Directly I got through I fell in with an old comrade named Thorne. He was shot through the food and terribly weak from loss of blood. As I galloped past him I seized his horse's reins, he having lost all command of his mount. I told him to hold on like grim death to the saddle, and I would try to save his life. All this time the Russians were taking pot shots at us, but I got him back all right. He was invalided to England and discharged from the services. "

352 HERBERT, James Henry

From EJB: In his account of the Charge which appeared in the Royal Magazine (Vol. XIII), [PB: 1906, 46-467] under the heading of "Survivor's Tales of Great Events, " 1460 James H. Herbert of the 4th L. D., said in response to a question. . .

"I do not remember the case of the butcher of the 17th Lancers who, as you say, joined his regiment fresh from the shambles, and rode through the charge with his pole-axe; but I can tell you of a case as amazing in its way, and one which shows the brutal discipline of the Crimean period. . There was a man of our regiment named Fox. When the order of advance was given he was on duty in the camp. He rushed to his horse, rode in the Charge, and came safely back. And to what? The cat! He was soon court-martialled for leaving his post without orders and sentenced to receive fifty lashes. The remnant of the 4th were paraded for the degrading and monstrous punishment, and Fox was tied to the wheel of a forge-cart. One of the farmers took a cat-o'-nine-tails and gave him twenty-five strokes. At that time, when flogging was in vogue in the Army, one man never gave more than twenty-five lashes, then a new man and a fresh cat was obtained. When half the punishment had been given, the Colonel said, "Hold! I will forgive you the other twenty-five." Fox, who was an Irishman, answered, "Oh, don't. Please, Colonel. I don't want to be beholden to you for anything. I will take the other twenty-five." The Colonel said sternly; "Silence, Sir, " and had him marched off to the hospital marquee. The balance was never given. Fox was a desperate character, and a rough customer to deal with, it is true; but he was a fine soldier, and considering what he had gone through, his punishment was out of all proportion to his crime. . . "(Nothing is shown on his documents for any court-martial or punishment for this particular offence, unless there is confusion with the offence for which he was court-martialled in May of 1855. ) [Roy Dutton 2nd Edn p 43 also includes. ]

353 HERBERT, James Henry

This version combines the earlier version [creation no. 131] , and has been partly-checked against Crider p.70.

Herbert, J. H., Survivors Tales of Great Events (Royal Magazine Vol XIII) HERBERT ACCOUNTSURVIVOR'S TALES OF GREAT EVENTSThe Second of a Series of Soul-stirring Stories of British Valour, in which each Narrative is Taken from the Lips of One who Actually Passed Though the Events Described. Here the Famous Charge of the light Brigade is Set Forth by One of its Heroes, Mr. H. Herbert. GLEANED AND EDITED BY WALTER WOOD. No. II. - THE CHARGE OF THE LIGHT BRIGADE. FROM THE NARRATIVE OF MR. H. HERBERT, * 4TH LIGHT DRAGOONS.

Mr. H. Herbert, the narrator of this story of the charge of the Light Brigade, was born at Bristol nearly seventy-two years ago. He enlisted in the 4th Light Dragoons, now the 4th Hussars, and at the age of twenty-one rode in the immortal charge. He left the Service at the end of the Crimean War with the rank of sergeant - a sufficient testimony to his abilities and seal. He began business as a builder, and for twenty years was successful. Then misfortune overtook him, and he accepted a post as night-watchman, which he kept until he was compelled to resign it through rheumatism. For ten years he was chairman of the Balaklava Relief Committee, an admirable institution, the head of which is now Mr. T. H. Roberts. It has been the means of rescuing many survivors from the workhouse, and is able to keep body and soul together for them in their ending years. The oldest survivor is severity-nine years old. Seventeen were on the stage of the Alhambra at a benefit performance on the fiftieth anniversary of the charge. The curtain rose to the strains of "The Boys of the Old Brigade, " and fell to the sad and significant bugle sounding of the "Last Post." HERE, in brief, is the story of the Battle of Balaklava, of which the mistaken but glorious Charge of the Light Brigade is the most famous incident. It was October the 25th, 1854. Sebastopol was besieged by the allied armies of England, France and Turkey, whose base was the sea-port of Balaklava. Thirty thousand Russians were posted in the vicinity, and their attempts to relieve Sebastopol by driving the British from Balaklava led to the battle. The enemy advanced, captured some guns in British redoubts, and attempted to remove them. They were temporarily disorganized by the gallant charge of Sir James Scarlett with the Heavy Brigade. But the guns being still in peril, Lord Lucan, commanding, the Light Brigade, received orders to follow the enemy and prevent him carrying out his design. The Light Brigade then swept into the " Valley of Death, " where in a few moments nearly half of them were lost. "The object of the Russians, " Mr. Herbert told me, "was to capture Balaklava Harbour, and so bring about the loss of our base. But the harbour was strongly fortified on the heights surrounding it; and in addition a frigate was moored broadside on at the top of the harbour, so that she was able to sweep the surrounding country with her guns. "We thought we were to attack the Russians on October 22nd or 23rd, 1854, but we did not do so until the z5th, the day of the charge. Of course our staff must have observed a movement amongst the Russians, whom they could see through their glasses; but to us, with the naked eye, they were invisible. We had been continually standing to our horses, and were doing so during the greater part of the 24th, returning to our camp late at night.

NEXT SECTION TRANSCRIBED EARLIER and already online. "It was the custom when on active service in those days to turn out and stand to our horses for two hours before daybreak, and on the 25th we turned out about four o'clock. The weather was cold, and we welcomed the order to 'Stand Down'. We next proceeded to dismount, and stood to our horses for some time. A few men were able to take a snack of something to eat, but only those who had saved part of the last rations issued on the previous day, for on that morning we had turned out in a violent hurry, and there was no time to do the little odds and ends of work that had been overlooked. For instance, the straps under my trousers were still unbuttoned, because in the hurry of mounting I had no time to secure them. The riding and galloping had made me very uncomfortable. There were no jack-boots in those days - and my trousers had wriggled up my legs. I said to a comrade of mine, a young man from Birmingham, named Thomas Fletcher: 'Tom, will you button up my straps for me? He willingly obliged, and was just finishing the job when Captain Nolan galloped up to Lord Lucan. [This was [1271 Thomas Fletcher, 4th Light Dragoons] What passed between Captain Nolan and Lord Lucan I cannot pretend to know, because I was not close enough to hear anything: but at any rate, Lord Cardigan shouted: 'Stand to your horses, men! Prepare to mount! Mount!' The order was then given: 'The Light Brigade will advance!' We knew one thing - we knew what was expected of us, for two or three days before the charge Lord Lucan had addressed us, saying: 'Keep your horses well in hand, men, and obey your officers: but when you get in amongst the Russians, 'skiver' them well!' As he spoke, he gave us with his own sword an illustration of what he meant - which was - pointing and cutting with the weapon. Lord Lucan had previously served in the Russian Army. He was a regular fire-eater. Lord Cardigan and he were well matched in that respect. The advance began. We had not gone more than two or three hundred yards when the Russians bellowed fire from three batteries of guns, with ten guns in a battery. There were ten on our left, ten on our right, at a distance of about a mile, and ten at the bottom of the valley, with their muzzles pointing directly at us. All these batteries were field guns, and very much superior to ours. The batteries opened up a dreadful fire from these three quarters - straight ahead and on our right and left: and, in addition, there must have been great numbers of Cossacks and infantry in ambush on our right, because from that direction also a murderous fire was coming. Rushing into the 'jaws of death' like that our men dropped from their saddles by dozens. Some were wounded, some killed on the spot and fell out of their saddles. There were cases of men and horses being literally blown to pieces by shells. Soon after we started the wild rush of the living men was accompanied by maddened horses with empty saddles. The first man to fall in the charge was the officer who, rightly or wrongly, had brought the order for it - Captain Nolan. He was ripped up the breast by a piece of shell, and fell from his horse with terrible cries: but his foot got fixed in the stirrup and he was dragged for a considerable distance. Our own Major - Major Halkett - was struck by a shell or cannon-ball, full in the chest, and killed on the spot. Very soon my own chum, Tom Fletcher, was shot. He was a brave soldier and a splendid horseman; but the heavy fire was disorganising and he got a little behind me. I shouted: 'Keep up, Tom!'. The words were no sooner out of my mouth than I heard a whiz and a thud, and a bullet which had just grazed me struck him in the back of the head. But he held on, wounded though he was, and fought on until he was taken prisoner. He lived for a little while, but died not long afterwards in the Crimea. The Light Brigade was advancing in three lines - the 13th Light Dragoons and the 17th Lancers forming the first, the 4th Light Dragoons and the 11th Hussars the second line, and the 8th Hussars the third. Lord Cardigan was in command, and led the first line; Colonel Douglas the second, and Lord George Paget the third. The 17th had lances, the rest of us carried swords, although as light cavalry we had been through the lance exercise. From our starting point to the place where the farthest guns - those at the far end of the valley were stationed - was at least a mile and a quarter; and for the whole of that distance we rode through a perfect blaze of fire. So terrible was the flanking fire on our right and left, that when we reached the bottom of the valley there were no more than about one hundred men remaining mounted. We literally flew at the batteries; but by the time we got to the guns the first line of the Brigade had melted away. It had by then almost been annihilated by shot and shell. When we reached the battery we found that the gunners had limbered up their guns and were slowly retreating. We galloped up and surrounded them as best as we could with our shattered numbers and stopped them from going. Then the most terrible part of the whole mad business came. The gunners tried to escape from the fury of our men by crawling under the guns; but the drivers had not the time to get away from their horses. They were sabred as they tried to dismount, and a good many of our men dismounted and struck the Russians under their own guns or routed them out at the point of the sword. At such a time nothing could escape - men had no time to think, and the very horses were stabbed and killed. As far as my recollection goes there was not a man or horse who escaped alive in the whole of the battery. Many of the men were fighting dismounted, their horses having been killed by fire or steel. Some of them performed prodigies of valour, amongst them being Samuel Parkes, a private of my regiment [635 Samuel Parkes, 4th Light Dragoons] . When we were mixed up with the guns Parkes was on foot, his horse having been killed. He was surrounded by Russians and fought like a demon. In a curious way he got level with his officer, for he disobeyed an order. He was going for a Russian, and for some reason the officer shouted, 'Spare him, Sam!' But Parkes was too busy looking after his own skin, and the Russian had to go. He fought as long as he could, and then had to surrender or be cut to pieces. He surrendered, and was made a prisoner, but not before his sword had been smashed by a shot. The Russians kept him for twelve months, then he was released, and was awarded the Victoria Cross for his valour during the fight. For many years he lived at the Marble Arch, where he was the attendant. [Six victoria crosses. . . lancers. ] We had captured the guns fairly enough, and for a short time they were actually in our possession; but the Russians were seen to be hurrying up large bodies of troops to rob us of the fruits of our charge. The enemy was seen by our officers. Lord George Paget shouted to Colonel Sherwell, commanding the 8th: 'We must rally on the Lancers, men!' evidently believing that a body of the Lancers had advanced to our support. He was at that time looking up the valley - the 'Valley of Death' -as we now know it. One or two of our men, amongst them a sergeant called Andrews, shouted back, 'But they're Russian Lancers!' Then Lord George replied that we must hold together and cut our way through them; and the order was given to go about and retire. That indeed, was the only thing to do, because it was clear that the handful of men who were lucky enough to be still living could do nothing against the Russian masses who were now in motion against us. To stay where we were was to be cut to pieces - and all for nothing - inasmuch as we had no supports, and could not take the guns away. As for supports, it was fortunate, in a way, that we were without them; for if they had advanced they would have been served in the same way as the Light Brigade. There would have been no help for it, because the odds were so overwhelmingly against us. When we went about we made for the Lancers, whom we now saw clearly enough. They were drawn up in a line right across the valley, not far from the points at which the flanking batteries on our right and left were placed. Our horses were utterly winded, and terribly distressed with the charging and galloping [lc galloping and chargig] down the valley for more than a mile. It was impossible to get them to go very fast; but the remnants of the five regiments obeyed the order to hold together, and went at the Russian Lancers. [as we came back. . . valley. ] Strictly speaking, not a soul in the Light Brigade should have been permitted to return, in view of the superior numbers of the enemy, their freshness, and our own exhausted state. We rushed in amongst them and there was a renewal of the cutting, slashing, pointing and parrying of the early part of the fight. There was no fancy work, but just hard business, and it fulfilled its object, for we cut our way through the opposing Lancers. There was a repetition of a savage thing that happened to us as we dashed down in the beginning - the Russian batteries continued to blaze away even when we were mixed up with their own people, and destroyed friend and foe alike. It was merciless butchery as far as their own people were concerned, although it was fair enough in our case, as we were objects to be destroyed. [In addition to this. . . The charge had caused us to be scattered and utterly disorganised and separated, so we retreated pretty well any-how and as best as we could. Many a friend was missing, and some that I never thought I would ever see again were found. There was one amongst them a member of my own troop, that I did not expect to ever set eyes on, but I overtook him on our retreat. [PB: Who was this?] I saw that something was wrong, as he was terribly pale, so I said to him, 'Hello, Bill, what's the matter? Are you hurt?' He said 'Yes, I am: I'm shot through the foot and leg. ! 'Here, old boy, ' I told him, 'You must get out of this. Hang on to the saddle and give me the reins. I'll get you through. ' I did get him through luckily, and when we were safely back I saw him taken off his horse. He was then removed to one of the hospital ships in Balaclava, doctored, and invalided home. He wrote me a letter afterwards to say that he had heard I had got the first step to being a general. So I had - I had been promoted to corporal. A few lucky ones amongst us got safely back - and a melancholy return it was. . . [lc: !] Ages seemed to have passed since we charged down the valley, and yet the whole of the desperate business had been done well within half-an hour. We staggered in, some singly, some in twos and threes: and the way we were met and cheered and helped showed how stunned those who had been left behind, and had seen us going on an undertaking that looked sheer madness and certain death for every man and horse. The fire which had pretty well destroyed us had caused the Heavy Brigade some further losses, as they were on the slope behind us, and in the line of fire. That we should have suffered even more than we did at the finish is certain if it had not been for the action of some French cavalry, who advanced and silenced some of the Russian guns. ] We were back at last - but what a handful! When we returned to [LC: turned into] our tents that night some were perfectly empty, for not a single man belonging to them was alive: while others, which had sheltered twelve soldiers in the morning, now only held [LC: held only] two. The camp seemed quite deserted, and the shadow of death lay heavy upon it. Some of our brave fellows were, we knew, in the hands of the Russians, because their horses had been shot down, they themselves wounded and escape was impossible, but most of the missing were dead. [Between six and seven hundred of us had charged down the valley; when we were mustered for roll call, it was found that half were missing, and when the final returns were prepared, it was shown that in that charge of a few minutes duration 247 officers and men had been killed, wounded, or were missing, while of the horses 475 had been killed and forty-two were wounded. A never to-be-forgotten night followed the day of the charge. The survivors turned into the tents, exhausted and miserable; but all the same I know that there was not a man who had come of of the chargewho thought he had done anything more than his duty, and if the rest of the Light Brigade had been ordered to form up again for another charge not a man would have disobeyed. Fully dressed and armed, with horses saddled and picketed to the ropes, we turned into our tents, and lay down to try to sleep. A wild and disturbing thing happened. In the middle of the night we were startled by a terrible shouting and commotion. the officers were halloing, and the guards were shouting "Turn out! Turn out! The Russians are upon us!" We rousedup and rushed out of the tents to our horses. As we were getting the bits into heir mouths I heard an officer shout, 'By

, men, turn out or we shall be cut to pieces!' Almost as he spoke, a hundred or a hundred and tweny horses galloped madly right into our camp; but luckily, although they were Russian, they were riderless. They were loose horses which had stampeded. All we had to do was to capture them as best we could. On the morning after the charge, our men who had been taken prisoners by the Russians were paraded before the Riussian general, Liprandi, who spoke very good English. he asked the men if they had anything to eat, and was astonished when they said they had charged on empty stomachs. he gave plenty to eat and drink, saying that he thought they would, no doubt, like to write to their mothers and wives and sweethearts, he had them provided with ink and pens and paper. He asked, 'What did you men have to drink this morning before you came down in the charge?' They told him 'Nothing. ' 'Oh, ' he said, 'I thought you were all dunk or mad!' The an Irishman said to him: 'By

, general, if we had anything to drink, we should have had half of Russia by this time!' The general laughed and answered, 'Well, my man, if they were all like you, I believe you would! [The following bit is not in LC] After Balaclava we were under the command of the French General D'Allonville at Eupatoria. We tried very hard to get the Russians to have another brush with us, but they would never face us again. It has always been a disputed point as to whether the trumpets sounded the 'Charge' or not. The order was 'Walk!' then 'Trot!' The men found they were passing through such a murderous fire that they all wanted to get at the enemy as soon as possible. Accordingly they began to gallop, and from the gallop they broke into the charge. But I never heard any 'Charge' sounded, and other survivors bear me out in this statement. "

ENDS

From EJB [also found in LC] I do not remember the case of the butcher of the 17th Lancers who, as you say, joined his regiment fresh from the shambles, and rode through the charge with his pole-axe; but I can tell you of a case as amazing in its way, and one which shows the brutal discipline of the Crimean period. . There was a man of our regiment named Fox. When the order of advance was given he was on duty in the camp. He rushed to his horse, rode in the Charge, and came safely back. And to what? The cat! He was soon court-martialled for leaving his post without orders and sentenced to receive fifty lashes. The remnant of the 4th were paraded for the degrading and monstrous punishment, and Fox was tied to the wheel of a forge-cart. One of the farmers took a cat-o'-nine-tails and gave him twenty-five strokes. At that time, when flogging was in vogue in the Army, one man never gave more than twenty-five lashes, then a new man and a fresh cat was obtained. When half the punishment had been given, the Colonel said, "Hold! I will forgive you the other twenty-five." Fox, who was an Irishman, answered, "Oh, don't. Please, Colonel. I don't want to be beholden to you for anything. I will take the other twenty-five." The Colonel said sternly; "Silence, Sir, " and had him marched off to the hospital marquee. The balance was never given. Fox was a desperate character, and a rough customer to deal with, it is true; but he was a fine soldier, and considering what he had gone through, his punishment was out of all proportion to his crime. "

791 HERBERT, James Henry

Roy Dutton, 2nd ed. p.54 includes a newspaper article that looks as thought the reporter had interviewed JH. Follow up.

777 HERON, Denis

SEE/TRANSCRIBE the article IN EJBA 4H file vol 3 -Quite detailed

368 HOWES, John

Check against Crider p.75.

FROM the EJBA: Sometime in 1999 a collection of letters which he had written to family, friends or acquaintances were sold by auction in the USA. It seems they had been in a garage for over twenty years, having been brought from London by a dealer in manuscripts, etc, who had emigrated to America. Only one of the letters bears any reference to the battles there, though (the rest being of descriptions of the area and conditions which had to be endured): [PB: Transcribe these as well. ]

"Sebastopol 8th Nov. 1854.

Dear Sir, I have embraced this favourable opportunity of addressing you a few lines to you in hope they will find you in good health as I thank God it leaves me at present. I wrote two letters to you previous to my being hurried from England much against my will as I will leave you to judge. The letter I wrote to you was a request that you would allow me to send a small box for you to keep until I return to England if I should be spared the diseases of the country and the swords and balls of our enemys [sic] and I can assure that they are both very numerous. I have not the time to give you the particulars in full but I will do my best in as few words as possible. We sailed from England on the 19th July and landed at Varna on the 2nd August after a pleasant voyage and fine weather. We left Varna again on the 4th September until we reached the enemys shore were we landed on the 16th September without any opposition until we arrived at the Alma: where a strong force of Russians held a most formidable position and had calculated on keeping it for about six weeks but found their mistake. Our army took the place in 3 hours but with a great loss on both sides. It was a horrid sight the next morning to see the dead and dying lying in great heaps both our men and the Russian side by side where they fell to hand. We remained there two days to get the wounded on board ship and the dead buried. We then pushed on towards Sebastopol where we arrived about the 24th and commenced preparations for the siege which commenced on the 17th October and they are hard at up to the present time. The Russians made an attack upon our rear on the 25th when the whole of the cavalry were brought into action. The heavy cavalry charged the enemy and drove them back into a very strong position were [sic] they reformed on each side of a valley with guns and infantry and a line of guns direct to our front. An order came that the light cavalry were to charge at any sacrifice. We advanced down the valley, 5 Regiments amidst the dreadful fire of about 80 guns and the balls of 2000 infantry. We soon silenced the cannon that played upon our front and cut every one of their gunners to pieces. We then followed their cavalry about half a mile until we came to the end of the valley and out of 5 Regiments we could only collect about 90 men. We were going to retire when to our surprise a Regiment of Lancers had formed behind us, but we gave a cheer and cut our way back through them and it was every man for himself. We lost a great many going back as we had to pass through the gallery fire of guns and infantry on our right and left. I escaped with a slight sword cut on the right ear, The blow was directed at my neck but I warded it off with my own sword. My horse failed through fatigue and I was surrounded by 7 or 8 twice, but God protected me and guarded me safe. We have had another general engagement which commenced on the morning of the 5th Nov. The Russians commenced with a force of about 100 to every 1st of ours but they were completely beaten after a fight of 8 hours. The loss of ours is supposed to be about 3,000 and the Russians 11 or 12,000. They are lying in heaps upon the field for miles, but I am thankful to say that I have escaped again. You will oblige me very much if you will write to Wm. for me to say I am well alive and if I fall in the field he must apply to the regiment for any money that may be coming to me and what ever marks of distinction either a medal, or anything else. He can get it by applying for it. I have also a few pounds by me at the present time but I have no means of sending it to you or I would do so as it is uncertain whether you will get this. But if you will have the kindness to return an answer to this as soon as possible. If I am alive. I shall know better what to do, I must I must conclude hoping to hear soon from you. I remain, yours truly, J. Howes." [PB, Feb 2014: it would be worth checking this transcript against the original. ]

369 HOWES, J

From George Loy Smith, A Victorian RSM: From India to the Crimea. Appendix 6 [243] Sergeant J Howes, 4th Light Dragoons

I was the left hand man of the regiment. When we reached the end of the Charge, I found myself amongst the Russian guns-a few of my troop, including our Troop Sergeant-Major Herbert (who was killed) surrounded one of the guns. He dismounted with the intention of cutting the traces. We killed all the men belonging to the said gun, and I went to the leading horses and turned their heads round with the view of bringing the gun away, but finding it impossible, I left them. I did not at this time see either Lord Paget or Colonel Douglas. We now received the order to retire. The next thing I recollect. we were cutting our way through the lancers. I received a slight sword cut on the [244] ear. A Russian horse now came galloping along side me which I brought back, and sold the next day for £5. I have the pistol, the only relic I have kept out of the kit I found on the horse.

770 HOWES, John

Article "Sergeant-Major Howes: Last Man Out of the Balaclava Charge"Birmingham Daily Post 26 Dec 1902or Birmingham Daily Gazette 30 Dec 19024th Hussar file Vol 3Includes bits of Howes recollecting the Charge

Trying to escape with the guns

792 HOWES, John

See Dutton 2nd ed p58. There's quite a substantial piece from a newspaper that looks as though the result of interview, includes "Cornet George Warwick Hunt called upon Sergeant Howes" etc etc. FOLLOW UP

370 HUNT, George

See Crider p.77-78, who transcribes part of "Captain George Warwick Hunt, Late 4th Hussars", Baily's Magazine Jan-Jun 1907 22-26 [vol 87] baily's magazine of sports and pastimesIt has been digitised by Hathi Trust, but is only available in the US - find someone in the US?Link to Hathi Trust pagehttp: //babel. hathitrust. org/cgi/pt?id=coo. 31924056316726Permanent link: http: //hdl. handle. net/2027/coo. 31924056316726 [PB: APRIL 2016 - I AM SURE there's an account I haven't transcribed yet - perhaps in CRIDER? - from a man who tried WITH HUNT to destroy the guns. But I just can't remember who it was. WHO WAS IT?]

782 HUNT, George

[PB: APRIL 2016 -

I AM SURE theres an account I havent transcribed yet - perhaps in CRIDER? - from a man who tried WITH HUNT to destroy the guns. But I just cant remember who it was. WHO WAS IT?

Didnt Wendy suggest someone (in 2017)]

Hi Philip,

Re your entry on 782 George Hunt.

You mentioned a man who tried with Hunt to destroy the guns. I wonder if it might be TSM Francis Herbert who according to Farquharson, `dismounted to spike a gun but before he could do so he was hacked to pieces by the Russian gunners.' I don't think Hunt was mentioned in this account though...

Regards,

Wendy

Was it perhaps a Sergeant or Sergeant Major?

Was it perhaps not in Crider, but i one of the 4H files?

783 HUNT, George

ZZZ [ZZZZZZZZZZZ [ZZZ [ZZZVZXZZZZZTZZZ¥ts and Remarks upon the Affs filed by Lt-Col Calthorpe" The Officers present with these regiments (as they prepared to charge) were as follows . . . With the 4th Light Dragoons besides Lord George Paget who commanded the regiment, there were present Major Halkett, Captain Alexander Low, Captain George John Brown, Captain Portal, Captain Hutton, Lieutenant Sparke, Lieutenant Headworth Joliffe, Cornet Wykeham Martin, Cornet William Affleck King, and Cornet Edward Warwick Hunt." [Invasion of the Crimea (1902) Vol. V. 238] .

** "(new entry)"Hunt, George Warwick (1833-95), Lt, 4th Lt Drgns E, p.48. b. 1833 nr Plymouth to the d of Adm Linzee F/c, July 12, 1851; Lt, Dec 8, 1854; Capt, F3) 26, 1858. To 4th Lt Drgns July 12, 1851; Cape Mntd Rifles Dec 17, 1858. Cr war, July 18 to Aug 4, 1854, p.o, Simla; Aug 4 to Sept 1, 1854, Bulgaria. Sept 2 to 15, 1854 to the Cr, Simla; Sept 16, 1854 to Nov 25, 1855 in the Cr; Oct 8 to 15, 1855 to Eupatoria; Nov 26 to 29, 1855, to Turkey, Candia; Nov 26, 1855 to May 3, 1856, Turkey; May 4 to 28, 1856, p.o, HMS Assistance; Alma, Balaklava, Inkerman, Siege, Eupatoria. Rtrd, July 1 (ca), 1859.

Later Cornet, Prince Albert's Own Leics Yeo. Cav, May 23, 1860. Rsgnd, April 16, 1861.

Res Ashton Lodge, Codford, Wilts Carnanton, St. Colomb, Cornwall & latterly 19 Hyde Park Place Lond.

m 1) Emma Taylor, 2) F Gould, d of Charles Gould of Brighton. d, , Oct 15, 1909. Pbte Jan 3, 1907.

ODM: 0. Medj, 5 Cl, Cr Med (ABIS). [Margrave (rev. )] .

** (new entry) " . . . 'All his ancestors shall yield precedence to the simple soldier who rode that day in the vanguard of the Six Hundred. ' Not man weeks back on the south seaboard of Devon -- to which country [PB: county?] his family belonged -- "Jonas Hunt, " as he was familiarly called, joined the great majority. Born near Plymouth in 1833, his mother being a daughter of Admiral Linzee, he was gazetted, in the first instance to the 12th Lancers and would have sailed with that ill-fated regiment in the "Birkenhead, " if the Colonel of the 4th Light Dragoons had not set his heart on having Hunt with him in his own corps The transfer was duly made, thus saving the latter from a watery grave (a rendering of "Jonah" which went better with his surname).

In 1854 he went out, with the 4th, to the Crimea. It was the part of his life, as he ever afterwards said, which he enjoyed most. The regiment was commanded by Lord George Paget, and it was to him Lord Cardigan turned when, on the morning of October 25th, 1854, the aide-de-camp brought down the famous order which, whatever its true meaning may have been, led to, perhaps, the most brilliant cavalry charge the world has ever seen: "I shall require your best support." A moment later and the trumpets sounded! To that order, Lord George and those he commanded, lent themselves with all their might.

Doubtless it reads curiously in these days to learn that as those six hundred Light Horsemen rode apace, at the very moment when the Russian guns were carrying death and destruction all around, Lord George's voice was heard, repeatedly shouting, "Keep back, Private This"; "Do look to your dressing"; "Right squadron keep back, " as though the whole affair had been but part of a mere spectacular parade at Aldershot! Before we venture on in a criticism, however, let us remember this that to the men of those days -- the men who stormed the heights of Alma, rode "straight" at Balaclava, and fought until they won in the mists and smokes of Inkerman morn -- one word at least was unknown in all their category, "Surrender!" "Exposed, " as Russell tells us "to an oblique fire from the batteries on the hills, and direct musketry fire, they never halted, they never checked in their speed an instant."

With horses and men rolling over and over at every stride, the 4th Dragoons swept into the battery just thirty yards behind the 11th Hussars at the very moment when the Russian gunners were seeking to carry off their guns, and an officer's voice rang out, we are told, " tally-ho!"

It was at this moment that Jonas Hunt performed an action which, without a doubt, in these days, would have led to the Victoria Cross. Coolly returning his sword, and flinging himself from the saddle in the midst of what Kinglake styles "a raging combat, " he endeavoured to unhook the traces and disengage the gun from the harness -- "a curious act of audacity, " as the historian goes on to write for which his commanding officer both damned and admired him.

In this gallant, if hopeless act, since the Light Cavalry were unsupported, Jonas Hunt was not left without assistance. As this part of the story has never been published, it will be of interest to record it here. Just prior to the Battle of Balaclava he had been on piquet duty with a sergeant and, it is believed, two troopers. Having duly posted them, Jonas Hunt went his rounds but on returning some time afterwards was unable to find the sergeant. He hunted about in all directions without success, till at last he heard the neigh of a horse, which was answered by his own charger. The sound led him to the spot, only to find the sergeant wrapped in his cloak, fast asleep on the ground. Hunt roused him with a kick and at once told the man of the serious position in which he stood, his conduct having placed the force in jeopardy of an attack from the enemy, and that he should report him for being asleep at his post, the penalty of which was death, and that he would be shot at daybreak. The sergeant implored for mercy, but Jonas was not seemingly moved. Remembering, however, that the former was in reality quite a young fellow, he let him suppose he was going to report him and so kept him in deadly fear till daybreak was past, when he told the man he hoped it was a lesson he would never forget." Sir, " said the sergeant with tears in his eyes, "I shall never forget you, and what you have done; and if ever I can repay the debt of gratitude l owe you, I will." The words mere not lightly spoken. When, in the thick of the 'melee' Jonas dismounted, the sergeant jumped off his charge, and with his sword, was hacking away at the traces of the gun carriage, when three Cossacks galloped down on them, one of then making a direct thrust at Hunt. Fortunately for the latter, the sergeant saw the peril and jumping between, received his death wound. "Sir", head, as he lay dying, "I have paid my debt." [Only two sergeants of the 4th Light Dragoons died in the Charge: 1329 Sgt Edward Cambell & 988 Sgt Richard Lynch]

To those who knew Jonas Hunt in his latter years when he was often ailing, it reads curiously to learn from an interesting letter of Major-General Owen's, which appeared a short time ago in the 'Army and Navy Gazette', that he was the only subaltern in the Cavalry Division who never missed a day's duty throughout the war. We have it too, on the authority of Colonel J. L. Sandeman, in his letter to the 'Times', correcting the mistake which had occurred in its columns confounding Captain Hunt, of the Heavies, with Jonas that the latter was understood to have volunteered for every perilous enterprise during the Crimean Campaign.

Returning to England after the peace of 1856, Captain Hunt remained but a few years longer in the Service, ever afterwards regretting his retirement. He was twice married; firstly, in 1858, to Miss Emma Taylor and secondly to Miss F. Gould, daughter of Mr. Charles Gould of Brighton, who survives him.

Jonas was not a man to sit idle, and after his career in the Service was over, he devoted himself to sport, and was won known as one of the best gentlemen riders. In 1859 Jonas rode his own horse, Goldsmith, for the Grand Military Gold Cup, and, as the 'Field' stated not very long ago, "settling down at the head of affairs when the flag fell he was never headed from start to finish." In the following year with Huntsman, a horse with a good record which he had purchased, he came near to winning the Grand National Steeplechase, a race being probably lost through Captain Towneley, who was riding, accidentally slipping a stirrup at the close, and even then only being beaten by half a length. His racing career, however, was spent chiefly in France, riding for the Vicomte Talon and many others, though he frequently returned home for Turf engagements, and liked to be in this country for the shooting and hunting season. For many years he was well known at the best headquarters in the world for foxhunting, namely, Market Harborough. He was a keen and fearless rider, no fence stopped him, his one aim and ambition always being to be in the first flight. &c." [ "Captain George Warwick Hunt, Late 4th Hussars", Baily's Magazine, Jan-Jun 1907 22-26] .

** "(new entry)" It was at this moment, and l think with reference to this gun, that the following took place Lieutenant Hunt, 4th Light Dragoons was close to my right, when, before I could stop him or rather before my attention was drawn to him, he returned his sword, jumes are considered in which he committed this act, it must be acknowledged that it was a truly heroic one. He thus disarmed himself in the melee, amid hand-to-hand encounters and the act which he attempted would have been a most useful one, had support been near to retain possession of the gun which he was trying to dismember, though under the circumstances it was of course a useless attempt -- but nonetheless worthy of record and of a Victoria Cross, for which he would have been recommended, had the choice lain with me" [Lord George Paget] [Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea, footnote 2, 184-185]

ans and fought like a demon. In a curious way he got level with his officer, for he disobeyed an order. He was going for a Russian, and for some reason the officer shouted, 'Spare him, Sam!' But Parkes was too busy looking after his own skin, and the Russian had to go. He fought as long as he could, and then had to surrender or be cut to pieces. He surrendered, and was made a prisoner, but not before his sword had been smashed by a shot. The Russians kept him for twelve months, then he was released, and was awarded the Victoria Cross for his valour during the fight. For many years he lived at the Marble Arch, where he was the attendant. [Six victoria crosses. . . lancers. ] We had captured the guns fairly enough, and for a short time they were actually in our possession; but the Russians were seen to be hurrying up large bodies of troops to rob us of the fruits of our charge. The enemy was seen by our officers. Lord George Paget shouted to Colonel Sherwell, commanding the 8th: 'We must rally on the Lancers, men!' evidently believing that a body of the Lancers had advanced to our support. He was at that time looking up the valley - the 'Valley

784 HUNT, Warwick

FROM CARDIGAN'S PAMPHLET adding to his case re CARDIGAN-CALTHORPE [WHAT SHOULD THIS BE REFERENCED AS] ? [transcribed PB April 2016] [22]

Letter from Captain Hunt.

[22] Letter from Captain Hunt. Copy of a letter sent to Lieut. -Col. Calthorpe by Captain Hunt, in reply to a letter from Lieut. - Col. Calthorpe, dated May 6th, 1863, repeating the charge against Lord Cardigan, and requesting Captain Hunt to "give any information on any point connected with the Cavalry Charge at Balaklava. "2, Rue Jean Goujeon, Paris. DEAR SIR, IN answer to your letter, dated the 6th May, I beg to state that I was squadron serrefile of the 4th Light Dragoons at the Battle of Balaklava. On the advance being sounded, I saw Lord Cardigan in front of the brigade; he was in that in position when the smoke and dust hid him from view. No officer wearing the uniform of the 11th Hussars passed through the 4th (going to the rear), except a Mr. Haughton, who was wounded in the head. I think that was the officer who was taken for Lord Cardigan by the men of the 4th and 8th. Believe me, yours truly, G. W. HUNT,

Late Captain 4th Light Dragoons

To Lieut-Col. CALTHORPE, 5th Dragoon Guards.

372 HUTTON, Everard-Hutton Thomas Everard

"Crimean Cavalry Letters" edited by Glenn Fisher. Army Records Society, number 31, published Stroud: The History Press for the Army Records Society, 2011. 8vo. vii + 336 pp. The collected letters of cavalry officers Fiennes Wykeham Martin, Edward Rowe Fisher-Rowe, (both mostly previously published with very limited print runs), Edward Phillips and Thomas Hutton. Hutton, Maj. Thomas Everard, 4th Light Dragoons, "E. H. N". Some letters of Maj. Thomas Everard Hutton written after Balaclava. In IV Hussars Journal, 1933. BL-P. P. 4039. lhb: IV Hussar Journal. (IV Hussars' Journal and Association Report. ) 1923-38 but lacking 1927. [Margrave ref]

371 HUTTON, Everard-Hutton Thomas Everard

Check against Crider p.78. Also in old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"p. 47

Source: letter to his brother-in-law written 10-28-54 quoted in Irish Hussar, p.49.

"We advanced in two lines at a full trot in the most perfect order possible through a concentrated storm of shot. shell, grape, canister, rifle balls & every missile that could be hurled at us; the ground was quickly spread with wounded men and horses. . . we succeeded in cutting down the gunners & dispersing a part of their Cavalry, capturing the guns, only the next moment being obliged to give them up for want of proper support. We had then again to retire through the same gauntlet of guns and crowds of Dragoons to oppose us, -- it was awful work, with a blown horse, and a wound in the leg which was weaker every moment but I was determined to stick to my regiment and on my horse, as long as I possibly could, instead of trusting to the mercy of the Cossacks as some foolishly did. . . "PB: There MUST be more!NB

See aso WILSDEN's and PAGET's mentions of the injured Hutton.

768 HUTTON, Everard-Hutton Thomas Everard

Captain Thomas Hutton, copied from "Forgotten Heroes: The Charge of the Light Brigade" by Roy Dutton, published by Infodial, UK 2007. (The additional information enclosed in square brackets is mine, as are the footnotes. MW)Hutton, Lieut., [later Major] 4th Light DragoonsStatus: Severely woundedConfirmed by: Lummis and Wynn, L. W. Crider, T. Brighton, A. SewellBorn: 13 April 1821, Beverley, East Ridings, YorkshireDied: 10 June 1896, 7 The Circus, Bath, Somerset Medals: Crimea (A. B. S.), Turkish Medal, (now in the National Army Museum, donated by Lady (Violet) Graham.) Hutton started his military career as an ensign in the 15th Foot on the 21st June 1839 and was promoted to Lieutenant on the 6th May 1842. He exchanged into the 4th Light Dragoons on the 10th September 1847 and was appointed a Captain on the 23rd April 1852. He left England for the East on the "Simla" arriving at Varna, Bulgaria on the 4th August 1854. The regimental history states that during the Charge "Hutton was shot through the right thigh as he rode up the valley and reported the wound to his squadron leader [Alexander Low] . 'If you can sit on your horse' replied Low 'you had better come on with us, there's no use going back now, you'll only be killed'. Accordingly Hutton rode on and fought through the guns, returning with his regiment. As they rode back up the valley Hutton was shot through his other thigh but remained on his horse. Colonel Paget overtook him, saw he was hurt and faint and passed him his rum flask. Hutton thanked him and said 'I have been wounded Colonel, would you have any objection to me going to the Doctor when I get in?' His horse had eleven wounds and had to be destroyed." [He was] sent to Scutari Hospital on the "Australia", arriving four days later. After making a good recovery he sailed to Malta, arriving on the 15th December 1854 and was invalided back to England on the 21st March 1855. His Crimea Medal was presented to him on Horse Guards Parade by Queen Victoria on 18th May 1855. On 14th August 1856 Thomas married Marie Georgina Everard the only child of Edwin Everard of Middleton Hall, Kings Lynn [Norfolk] and in 1864 Thomas assumed the surname Everard-Hutton. In 1881 Thomas was living in 14 Brock Street Walcot [suburb of Bath] Somerset with his wife Marie Georgina Everard and their [youngest?] daughter Violet (14) born in Denbigh, Flint. His obituary appeared in the "Bath Chronicle" June 18th 1896 and he is buried at Locksbrook Cemetery Bath, a memorial plaque can be seen in Bath Abbey. The letters he wrote appear in the Regimental Journal October 1933 and his saddle is also in the National Army Museum. The pipe he was smoking prior to the advance, the revolver (since repaired) that was broken in two in his hand by a Russian musket ball and overalls that show the marks of two shots are all held in the Royal United Service Museum. (The additional information enclosed in square brackets is mine, as are the footnotes. MW)MW: Violet Kathleen Brinkley, b. 1905 d. 1985, wife of Sir J. Crosland Graham, Kt., J. P., of Clwyd Hall, Clwyd; fourth child, third daughter of Charles Richard Edgeworth Brinkley and Evelyn Everard-Hutton (second daughter of Thomas and Marie Everard-Hutton) - vide Burke's Landed Gentry of Ireland 1912 - and mother of Marigold Evelyn Graham, b. 1931 d. unm. 1998; JP, High Sheriff of County of Clwyd 1981. (Marigold possessed a fine, large portrait of Thomas Hutton in his 4th Light Dragoons uniform. )Marigold Graham to Mary Walsh: "supported by two men riding closely on either side of him" [PB: Presumably these were Wilsden (see his account) and ? In the painting? Or is MG referring to something else e. g. a letter or a recollection?] Marigold Graham to Mary Walsh: I assume Marie Georgina Everard inherited Middleton Hall from her father in 1864 as Thomas - then Everard-Hutton - is referred to as being 'of Middleton Hall, Norfolk' in Burke's Landed Gentry of Ireland 1912. Mary Walsh

JOHNSON, Thomas George - 13th Light Dragoons, but originally 4th Light Dragoons.

There are several letters etc in the ACCOUNTS DATABASE, which could be added here. I recall at least one 4LD account refers to him, presumably because he was well known to the regiment.

392 JOLIFFE, Hedworth FOLLOW UP

406 KING, Thomas

Check against Crider p.84. Also in old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"

Thomas Lucas, formerly Private 4th Light Dragoons, said: . . . . was taken prisoner. On that evening General Liprandi sent for some of the prisoners including myself and asked several questions about our position and amongst other questions he asked "Who was the General that went back on the Chestnut Horse with white heels?"and he was told it was Lord Cardigan. He then remarked he was lucky to get back as the Russians had chased him as closely as they could. . . Thomas King, Private D Troop, 4th Hussars, and James Bagshaw, Private in the same Troop, confirmed this evidence.

407 KING, Thomas

Affidavit in Cardigan-Calthorpe, quoted briefly (and critically) in Cardigan's pamphlet

KING ACCOUNT fr CRIDERNOT PROOFREAD

AFFIDAVIT of THOMAS KING, now Private of D. Troop of 4th Hussars, now stationed at Newbridge, Ireland. Sworn 29" May, I863; filed 2nd June 1863. SAY as follows: 1. I remember the charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade at Balaklava, on 25th October, 1854. The 4th Light Dragoons attacked the Russian guns while they were being carried off by the Russians. I saw several drivers and gunners killed by the 4th, and took part myself in the action. 2. I remember seeing Lord George Paget and Colonel Douglas of the 11th Hussars talking. I heard Lord George Paget say, "Rally, men, and let us see what we can do." Lord George Paget brought us three times to the front, and I heard several say, "Let us rally to the rear of the 17th, " for we then thought the Russians were the 17th. Lord George was then in command, and we formed as best we could and retreated. 3. I did not see Lord Cardigan during the entire of that day. I was taken prisoner while retreating. While a prisoner a Russian general, who i have always understood was General Liprandl, asked the prisoners whether they had been served with brandy before the charge, and he said when he saw us advancing he thought we were only the advance guard. He also asked us who was the officer on the chesnut [PB: sic?] horse with white heels who was galloping back when the second line were going down. Several of the prisoners, including Parks, Bolton, and others, told him it was Lord Cardigan. I did not know what kind of horse he was on. I did not see Lord Cardigan except previous to starting.

785 KING, Thomas

Affidavit criticised in Cardigan-Calthorpe in Cardigan's pamphlet [transcribed PB April 2016] 11. Thomas King, 4th Light Dragoons -- "Saw Lord George Paget try and rally the men -- did not see Lord Cardigan any part of this time. "Had no right to see him. No evidence.

Letter from Corporal William Leitch to his sister, 8th of January 1855

Letter from Corporal William Leitch to his sister, 8th of January 1855, published in the Newry Telegraph, 6th of February 1855. [RM]

(Click on image to enlarge)

A letter addressed to William Leitch's sister, which was published in the Newry Telegraph on the 6th February 1855.

4th Light Dragoons, William Leitch's Letter

Crimea, January 8th, 1855

`My Dear Sister,

I again write to you, hoping to find you still well, as I am at present, thank God for it; and another object I have in view is to let you know the way we are situated in camp, and a little about the climate. The weather is cold here - frost and snow every day - but still health prevails. Our tents, which are getting old, are of course very thin, but thanks to our kind friends we are well provided for in other respects. Our extra clothing issued here is a fur coat and a blue pilot coat, each so warm that you would think you were in a stove, together with large boots to go on over our overalls, and a fur-cap to come down over the ears, so that hardly any of the face is seen. The under-clothing consists of woollen guernsey, drawers, socks, gloves, and scarfs, and other nick-nacks, too numerous to mention; so that on the whole we are comfortable under the circumstances.

Our principal landing-place is Balaklava, a small village inhabited by Maltese followers, who sell us articles at the following prices:- Potatoes 5d per lb., onions 6d per lb., cheese, 3s 6d, and butter 3s 6d per lb; porter 1s 6d per pint, pickles 3s a bottle, and almost everything you could mention, at the same rate: so that if a person was made of money he could live as well as at home. Our rations are good, and as much as any man can make use of; but those other dear articles we have only when we can come at them. I forgot to mention the greatest treat of all, namely white bread 1s 6d per lb. We do get so tired of biscuit, that I would have given half my head to have been with my father baking the Christmas cakes. I would have made a good hole in one of them.

About the way the bombarding is going on, you can see truer accounts than I could give you, let me be ever so well inclined. Those people have nothing else to do but look for information. I must conclude with kind love to Father and Mother, Fanny,

and the remainder of the rising generation.

- Your affectionate brother,

`W____ L____, Corporal 4th Light Drgs.'

451 LUCAS, Thomas

Check against Crider p.88. Also in old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"

Thomas Lucas, formerly Private 4th Light Dragoons, said: . . . . was taken prisoner. On that evening General Liprandi sent for some of the prisoners including myself and asked several questions about our position and amongst other questions he asked "Who was the General that went back on the Chestnut Horse with white heels?"and he was told it was Lord Cardigan. He then remarked he was lucky to get back as the Russians had chased him as closely as they could. . . Thomas King, Private D Troop, 4th Hussars, and James Bagshaw, Private in the same Troop, confirmed this evidence.

452 Lucas, Thomas

His affidavit in Cardigan-Calthorpe criticised in Cardigan's pamphlet: [transcribed PB April 2016] 13. Thomas Lucas, 4th Light Dragoons -- " Saw Lord Cardigan just previous to the charge. "Heard no order given by Lord Cardigan, except the order to charge. "Why should he? -- Lord Cardigan had nothing to do with the supports.

761 LUCAS, Thomas

LUCAS ACCOUNT fr CRIDER p50 (3rd ed p89)This is from Old Crider p89Source:

Affidavit filed in the Cardigan v Calthorpe lawsuit fr unident press clippings courtesy of Rod Burman

AFFIDAVIT of THOMAS LUCAS, formerly Private in the 4th Light Dragoons, now Serjeant in the Corps of Commissionaires, and stationed at the Army and Navy Club, London. Sworn 28th May, 1863. Filed 2nd June, 1863. SAY, 1. I remember the charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade at Balaklava on the 25th October, 1854. l was in the front rank to the left flank of the squadron. I took part in the charge, and saw Lord Cardigan just previous to the charge, and never saw him afterwards till I returned to England. When our line got to the guns 1 saw a few scattered parties of the first line in (mat of us; the first line was then completely broken up. A number of our regiment, numbering not more than twenty, together with Lord George Paget, went in support of the 11th Hussars. The Russians who were attacking the 11th fell back, and we then saw a regiment of Polish lancers to our rear. All that time I was within about four yards of Lord George Paget, and distinctly heard him call out loudly, "Where is Cardigan?"I did not hear any reply given, but immediately after I heard Lord George Paget say, "Eight and Left Incline; "I was at this moment cut down by a sabre wound from a Cossack, and was taken prisoner. On that evening General Liprandi sent for some of the prisoners, including myself, and asked several questions about our position; and amongst other questions he asked, "Who was the General who went back on the chesnut horse with white heels?"and he was told it was Lord Cardigan. He then remarked, "He was lucky to get back, as the Russians had chased him as closely as they could." Heard no order that day given by Lord Cardigan except the order to charge. I got two sabre cuts on the head, one in the hand, and five lance wounds in my body, and my left arm was subsequently amputated in consequence of the wound received in the hand.

462 MARTIN, Fiennes Wykeham Martin aka Fiennes Cornwallis

"Crimean Cavalry Letters" edited by Glenn Fisher. Army Records Society, number 31, published Stroud: The History Press for the Army Records Society, 2011. 8vo. vii + 336 pp. The collected letters of cavalry officers Fiennes Wykeham Martin, Edward Rowe Fisher-Rowe, (both mostly previously published with very limited print runs), Edward Phillips and Thomas Hutton.

456 MARTIN, Fiennes Wykeham Martin aka Fiennes Cornwallis

Letters written from The Crimea to several members of his family by the late Major Fiennes Cornwallis [Fiennes Wykeham Martin aka Fiennes Cornwallis] collected and edited by Mrs. Wykeham Martin of Leeds Castle. Privately printed, 1868.

Introduction: Finding from the badness of the ink these letters were nearly becoming obliterated, and being doubly valuable now under circumstances so melancholy to the family, I have been induced to have the greater part of them printed for private circulation, thinking some portions may be interesting to the surviving relatives and a few friends. I may with truth add, no one was more sincerely lamented by his family and friends than Fiennes Cornwallis (formerly Fiennes Wykeham Martin). He died respected and beloved by all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance. I may without impropriety quote the words in a letter of condolence sent to us from a brother officer: "I loved him as a brother; " also Mr. Thackeray (the author), after meeting him at dinner and entering into conversation with him on the subject of the Crimean war, remarked to his host, "that is a good specimen of a brave modest soldier."

Matilda Wykeham Martin Leeds Castle, April, 1868.

The Late Major Cornwallis The late Major Cornwallis, second son of Charles Wykeham Martin, Esq., M.P. and Lady Jemima Wykeham Martin, daughter of the fifth Earl Cornwallis, whose death it is our melancholy duty to chronicle this week, was born Nov. 1st, 1831, and educated at Eton. He joined the 4th Light Dragoons, now 4th or Queen's Own Hussars, on the 12th April, 1850; became Lieutenant on the 26th October, 1854; Captain, 31st August, 1855; and Major, 17th July, 1860. He served through the whole of the Crimean War, having landed with the army, and being present in the battle of the Alma. He was acting adjutant, though only senior cornet, at Balaklava, and was for a short time under very heavy fire at Inkerman. He became aide-de-camp to Lord George Paget, and remained after the departure of his regiment to see the last of the Light Cavalry Brigade embarked. He married the daughter of John Mott, Esq., of Barningham Hall, Norfolk, and has left two sons and a daughter. [A second daughter was born after his death.]

He was always distinguished for popular qualities, and skill in feats of activity and manly sports. He won the two-oared race for silver sculls, at Eton, with G. Robertson, the Hon. Ralph Nevill steering; and he came in second in the grand military steeple-chase at Northampton (when Captain Anderson won by a head), although he was not intended to ride the race, and was asked to do so on the ground, the intended rider not appearing. He had only seen a part of the course, and was hastily dressed in borrowed jockey clothes.

[PB: Very much the story Maria Wilkin used in one of her novels!]

He was very much respected and beloved by his brother officers and by numerous personal friends. A story is told, illustrative of his popularity in the 4th. When he sold out, the feeling towards him was so strong that all the regiment turned out to see him off, and the officers who were sitting on a court-martial turned out, prisoner and all, and returned to finish the affair when he was gone.

With all these social qualities, he had a deep and earnest sense of his religious duties, and on the occasion of his first seizure, as also of that which terminated his life, he was found with the religious works which he read every morning open by his side. His early death was occasioned by the result of a fall whilst hunting, the horse having fallen with him, and having either kicked or trodden on his head. He was thought to be dead at the time, but rallied, and seemed to enjoy his usual health for some considerable time. The injury, however, caused inflammation and congestion, which produced ultimately an abscess on the brain.

__________

[PB: The next few dates dates don't make any sense!]

Ashburton, Sunday, July 27th, 1854

Dear Mama, I have just time to write a line to say my 1st charger will probably arrive on Wednesday, also some boxes; I shall send one portmanteau back by the Simla, it will arrive about October. Our men marched off in beautiful order this morning, not a man absent or drunk, which is more than other regiments can say. I will write again if I have time. In great haste, I remain your affectionate son, F. W. Martin

Devonport, July 23rd, 1854

Dear Mama, I write you one more hurried note to say that I have arrived at Devonport, and embark to-morrow morning, and shall sail to-morrow afternoon most probably. I have got everything all right, helper, horse, and everything. I like my new animal very well, only he will not leave the ranks, which looks as if he had been a charger or trooper before, also he does not like the sword, but I will teach him that. . . I must say, although I like going out very much, I shall not be sorry to be back again; if we only stay two years it will be just what I wanted, to see other countries before I settle down; I can see Europe in a wedding tour. I will now wish you all good-bye, I hope to find Papa, Maria, Fairfax and yourself as well and strong as you are now; tell the two latter and Papa that I am sorry I have not had time to write to them all, but I know you read out the letters when there is any thing in them, with my love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. W. Martin

Malta, July 24th, 1854

Dear Philip, We had an awful night the day we left England, the ship being very narrow rolled tremendously; the horses were down on every side, the men awfully sick were obliged to stand to their heads and get them up to prevent them falling. We were obliged to kill two, and if it had gone on we should have lost every horse in the ship; I hope never to witness such a scene again, the men behaved beautifully, and won great praise from the sailors, standing at their horses' heads when they were so ill, they could hardly stand themselves. We are getting on better now, and are off the coast of Portugal, we shall be at Gibraltar in about three days and a half, which is very quick from Plymouth. The horse arrangements are excessively bad. The part I dislike most is the watches, walking about the deck for four hours day and night among horses, the stench awful, biting at you as you pass and making a tremendous noise, we are going a great pace, 15 miles an hour, it is fearfully hot, especially down in the hold where the men and horses are, I will not write any more to-day, but will send this from Malta as soon as we get there.

Monday. - We have passed Gibraltar and are now well in the Mediterranean, it is very hot, and they have crammed the ship so full that there is not an inch to spare anywhere, and there are about 20 horses on each side of the boiler, their noses about a foot from it; one is dead already from the heat, no air can get to them, perfectly foaming with sweat. In fact the black hole of Calcutta must have been an ice-house to it. It is a regular case of "penny wise and pound foolish," as in trying to get the extra number of horses in, there will be many lost. I shall try to land at Malta to have a look at the town.

I send this letter to you and you can pass it on to Leeds Castle. We made the quickest passage to Gibraltar that has ever been made, and hope to do the same to Malta and Varna. Let me know when they take Cronstadt as it is very doubtful whether I shall see a paper or not. I have just opened my kit and tried to put the bullock trunks on the pack saddle, but find it is impossible, as the saddle came from Peats and the trunks from Gardener, and the former is not constructed to carry bullock trunks. The consequence is that I shall be obliged to leave my trunks behind, and as they form my bed I shall not have that important article, and shall have to lie on the ground, the worst thing I can do. I will write to let you know how I get on and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate brother, Fiennes Wykeham Martin.

Ship Simla, Tuesday 27th July 28th

It is fearfully hot, two horses gone mad from heat and being crammed up in the hold; we have just sighted Malta.

Constantinople, August 2nd, 1854

Dear Papa, We arrived here yesterday having been delayed by trying to tow a Transport up the Dardanelles, everything here is in the greatest state of confusion. We were not expected, and they don't know what to do with us; the Admiral at first said we were to wait till he sent to Lord Raglan at Varna, and then that we were to sail last night, now I believe we are to go at 3 o'clock, but it will be probably altered again when we get to Varna. I do not know what they can do with us, as they are going to make a movement in the Crimea to take Sevastapol on the 15th; so if they disembark us we shall have to embark again directly. It will do the horses good to be out of the ship a little while, but on the other hand we shall lose a good many in the operation. It is a pity they did not allow us to bring out Bât horses, as in the hurry and confusion of getting the troops away from Varna it is ten to one that we shall be able to get away these, and so we shall lose a good deal of our baggage. A Russian soldier has shot one of the Captains of the fleet, by name Parker, also a Russian steamer contrived to get out of Sevastapol and take two Turkish ships, one laden with coal, the Russian filled herself up with coal and then burnt the ships.

I am sorry to say dysentery and cholera are making great ravages among the troops, at least so I hear. Lord Duplin and some officers of the Rifles have gone home almost dead, I believe it is more healthy in winter, although intensely cold. Constantinople is a magnificent city to look at from the harbour, but when you get on shore it is the filthiest hole, with infamously paved narrow streets, that you can imagine. There is a rumour here that Prussia has declared war with Austria, but we do not know if it is true. I went on shore at Malta and saw Charles Trollope and his wife, he was very well and in good spirits, but Mrs. Trollope has had a bad Maltese fever and was not looking well.

Since writing the above we have started for Varna and shall land to-morrow; we have just met an officer of the Guards who gives a very bad account of the Camp, the men are completely done up with dysentery and cholera, and are dying like rotten sheep; 45 of the Rifles died in one week, Therapia and Scutari are full of sick officers. The Commissariat is very bad indeed, and altogether the army is so paralysed that the light division could not move five miles the other day; so there is not much chance of a move in the Crimea. The Greeks and Turks about Varna hate us, and officers riding out have been repeatedly shot at, and the other day they fired into the Artillery Camp; the gunners however went out and took them prisoners: so you see you must not believe all you read in the Times of the happy and contented state of the army in the East. I hear all the men who went determined to rough it have come round to making themselves as comfortable as they can. There is also a rumour that Sir George Brown and Lord Raglan are going to give it up in the winter, and that Gen. Cathcart is coming out to take command; however, I cannot vouch for this.

Send me a letter please as soon as you can, and let me know how they get on in the Baltic. I am going to send Maria a pair of Turkish slippers if I can, they look very grand, I will get you plenty of things when I come home. Have you received my little horse yet? you can sell him if you can get him a good master. You need not be frightened by my accounts of the Camp, but I merely mentioned that state of things to let you know that it is not quite the leather and prunella sort of life that the Times made out.

We came up the Bosphorus this evening, and a more beautiful sight I never saw in my life, the scenery was magnificent, a sort of Richmond the whole way up. I think the Turks a most disgusting race of people and not worth fighting for, they take no more notice of you than they do of a dog; the only notice they take of you is to do you as much as possible; I would almost sooner fight for a Russian if it was not treason to say so. We have got two of Omar Pasha's Aide-de-Camps on board, they cannot speak a word of anything but their own language, and so we are not particularly happy. If I have time I will give you a description of our landing to-morrow morning, but in case I have not, I will wish you good bye, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

3rd Part

We have arrived at Varna and begun to disembark, you never saw such a scene of utter neglect, no one came off to give us orders for three hours, and at last told us to begin with one boat, and gave us no men to tow it, so we have only landed 31 to-day, with no tents or any thing to eat. We go to the Crimea on the 15th. The cholera is very bad here. They have lost over 200 men, and two officers died last night; the sooner we get away the better. The names of the officers are Col. March and Cromarty of the Guards, they tell me the men of the latter walk about bent double with dysentery. If there is as much confusion and time lost landing in the Crimea we shall lose every man in the army. Sir George Brown was nearly killed by a cannon ball going through the cabin of a steamer, he was reconnoitering near Sevastopol. The present intention is to make a feint at the North of the Crimea and land at the South. I hope we shall lick them and then go to Constantinople for the winter; though this is a beautiful place, it is very unhealthy. Ponies are very cheap here, the price being about £5, everything else is fearfully dear; they have reduced the rations of beef to 1lb. and no rum!! I will write again soon, we get letters every five days, and can send them oftener.

Camp, Galata, August 26th, 27th and 28th

Dear Father, We have not received the mail due on the 21st, so that I suppose we shall get that and the one due on the 28th together, consequently we do not know any English news. We have not sailed for Sevastopol, but I believe we do on the 2nd of September. Both the French and English engineers say it is nearly impracticable; and the fleet say that it is much too late in the year, as it is doubtful whether they could even land us, and if they did accomplish that, they declare it would be utterly impossible to take us off again on account of the westerly gales, consequently we should have to land on a rocky soil where we could not entrench ourselves, five miles from an entrenched camp of 45,000 Russians and ten from one of the strongest forts in the world, and in face of all this they are going to attempt it.

August 28th. - The mail has just come in and I see by the papers the English at home expect we have taken Sevastopol, whereas we do not start till Tuesday at the earliest, and shall have as I told you great difficulty in taking it when we get there. The light division of cavalry embark to-morrow morning, the artillery are all on board, the infantry on the 1st and 2nd, I believe; so now we are in for it. I hope when we have smashed the place they will let us come home, as this is a nasty country to live in, all the disadvantages of India with none of the comforts. Always direct your letters Army in the East, as then I receive them. I forgot to say send me out an Indian rubber tub. I see by the Illustrated we are to have a change of uniform. For three days after we land in the Crimea we are to have no tents or grub but what we carry ourselves, which will be very little, as they are going to make us leave our Bât horses behind, which will be a loss of £15 out of my pocket. I wish they had not made us get them.

You must excuse this bad writing, as I have no table or anything to write on. I hope you are not bored with my long yarns, if you are you must make Maria read them to you or tell you the pith of them. By the bye I want a compact writing case; you can get them very cheap and hold a great deal, and a lock, so that I can put money in it; and now with my best love to all and hoping you are all well, and likewise that I shall come off all right in the fight, good bye. And believe me, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Kalamita Bay, Crimea, Set. 15th 1854

Dear Mama, I have just time to scribble a few lines to tell you my adventures since I left Varna. In the first place we all started from Ballspit [Baltjick] on the 7th of September, the most magnificent sight you ever saw, 32 sail of the line English, besides French and Turkish, convoying about 300 transports; the only drawback from it being that the cholera broke out on board the vessels. We lost three men before we left the bay, among others poor Hunt was taken very bad, but he has recovered a little, however I shall not be able to take him on shore with me, bad luck as usual. Sparke has also been very bad, but I think he will recover enough to land to-morrow, although I think it will kill him. The Infantry effected a landing without opposition, having dodged the Russian camp that was waiting for us; however, I suppose we shall have them down upon us to-morrow. The inhabitants are very peacefully inclined towards us, giving us everything we want, but I am afraid it will not continue. The French broke into the village (where Lord Raglan had made his head-quarters) and broke up the homes, ill treated the women and stole their poultry, which is a great bore for us after we had established a good understanding. The unfortunate Infantry were out all last night in a pouring rain, and as we do not take our tents with us they must have got awfully wet, killing more of them than the bullets of the Russians. The French manage this better, as they all had their tents.

This is the last letter I shall be able to write to you till we have taken Sevastopol or failed. The light cavalry will have fearfully hard work, there are so few of them (owing to Cobden) that we shall be out every night on picket duty, and as there are swarms of Cossacks here whose tactics are never to charge but to harass the army by continually trying to cut off their pickets, we stand a poor chance. The climate as far as I can see is very unhealthy, especially for sleeping on the ground, as we shall have to do, as we land with nothing but what we stand up in, and shall remain so till we take the place. However pluck has it, and I hope to get through. A place we anchored in at first, called Eupatoria, yielded without a shot; it seemed a nice town inhabited by Jews and Germans, I believe.

I received your letter of the 25th, at 10 o'clock this evening, and the lights are put out at half-past, so you may imagine I have not much time. You can sell my horse if you can get £100 for him, as I may not get back for some time, and he is getting old. I have not written to Ralph Nevill yet, but will as soon as I can. I have left a memorandum in my kit to say that my kit is to be sold if I am potted, and the proceeds to go to Papa. With love to all and hoping you are all well as I am at present, and also that I may see you all again some day, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin I land to morrow morning and shall be sent forward in out-post, nasty work after having had regular meals and a good bed, to be six weeks on shore with no bed and only salt pork, biscuit and water.

Camp near Sevastopol, October 8th, 1854

Dear Mama, I have put off writing to you from day to day hoping that we should take Sevastopol, and then I could have written you an account of the whole Campaign, but we have now been here a week and have done nothing except being shot at by the Russians. My last letter was from Eupatoria just before we landed. Since then we have gone through great hardships, I hope I never shall have to do again; we landed without tents, and I can assure you sleeping in the open air with nothing to eat is very bad for us, luckily we have had very little rain, otherwise it would have killed the whole of us, as it is, what with the battle of Alma and sickness, we have lost a great deal of the army. We have now been nearly three weeks on shore, during which time I have slept in my clothes, boots, spurs and everything, having no clothes but what I stand up in with me, every one is the same, and I can assure you we look a pretty ragged dirty lot. We had the ill luck to be in the rear division the whole way on the march, the consequence was we had the hardest work of anybody, and being away from our commissariat got nothing to eat for three days and nights, neither men or horses had anything but some biscuits they had saved from the previous day's rations. You would laugh to see us when we arrive at our camping ground running to the nearest water, while others pick up bits of wood to make a fire, to boil either a piece of pork or excessively tough cow. The Rifles were so hard up one day they killed the bullock that drew their hospital cart and eat him immediately. On our third day without food we came across a herd of bullocks; but they would not let us take them, at which we were indignant.

The battle of Alma fought on the 20th, you will see described better than I can in the Times; I can only say that we had nothing to do with it except looking on, for although we were within range the shot never came our way. We had a beautiful view of it the whole time, it was splendid to see the Guards and Highlanders walk up to the fort under the hottest fire Lord Raglan ever saw; they behaved beautifully, led by the Duke of Cambridge in the most plucky manner, also the light and 2nd divisions the only ones much engaged, the 33rd (Thorold's regiment) suffered very severely, nearly all the officers being killed or wounded; also the 23rd. Luckily for Thorold he was sick on board ship. It was a wonderful victory, as a letter from Menschikoff to the Emperor will prove: he says, speaking of Alma, "I would sooner hold it with 40,000 for three weeks against any number of English, than Sevastopol with 100,000 against 40,000 English." However, the French say we ought to have taken it with much less loss if we had followed their plan and turned their flank, instead of going at it like a bull as we did; and I, from the little I know, think they are right. We are now in rather a ticklish position, having Sevastopol before us, and a large army behind. They made a small attack this morning, but the French drove them back. I am sorry to say the heavy Brigade of Cavalry, in crossing from Varna, have lost 280 horses, 200 from Robertson's regiment, consequently our cavalry here is useless; it is a good thing for me perhaps, as I shall have no chance of being killed, unless I am cut off on picket or patrol duty. I always keep a sharp look out, so I dont [sic] think it is likely. The Russians amuse themselves with throwing shell at our pickets, but they have only hit two men as yet. One burst close to my picket the other day, but did no damage. We are going to winter in Sevastopol I hear, which I am very sorry for, as it is an awful hole. We are still dying here by shoals of cholera. Poor Joliffe, the brother of our Joliffe, was taken ill at 10 one evening, and was dead by 10 next morning, - hard lines after getting through Alma. You must excuse the dirt and bad writing of this epistle, as the wind is blowing the dust over this dirty piece of paper as I lie at full length on the ground, with a bad steel pen that wont [sic] mark. I received your likeness of the Governor and Maria, and think them very good. Will you send my things to the care of Messrs. Ede and Co., Constantinople, and besides what I have already asked for, some more lamb's wool socks, flannel waistcoats, and quantities of cocoa paste, preserved soup, tea, sugar, soap, and in fact any articles you think good in the eating line that do not take much room, as grub out here is dear and very bad. There is a cocoa paste made up with milk, and which we have found very useful on the campaign, as it goes in a very small compass. I should like Miller's lamp out of my kit, and my servant's clothes, although I think very likely the poor fellow is dead. I went over the battle-field the next day at Alma; it was the most awful sight, thousands lying dead, and wounded, groaning and crying for water; our men behaved very well to the Russians, taking care of them and giving them water as if they were Englishmen, but the French behaved in a brutal manner, even burying some of the poor creatures before they were dead, at least so they say. We have got over 130 guns, independent of the French and the Fleet. They are none of them to be fired till they are all ready, and then the whole with the Fleet are to begin at the same minute by signal; wont [sic] it made a row and astonish the natives.

I have just received your letter, No. 6, saying you have received the news of our safe landing, you also say you have sent the boots. I have not received them, but I dare say they are somewhere and I shall get them in time. I am sorry to hear of Billy's father; it was only yesterday I heard from Billy, saying they had the cholera there, but were not afraid of it. My private servant, Friend, wishes £5 of his wages to be sent to his father and mother. Now the only way I can get this done is to send a cheque to Philip, asking him to pay it, but I do not like doing it in that way as he never will use the cheque, will you see about it? The attack is to begin in three days, but I hear firing close by, so I must conclude, as we shall most likely be turned out. All the Heavy Cavalry were out this morning to repel an attack in the rear. Best love to all. Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Camp, near Balaklava, October 27, 1854

Dear Mama, I write you a line to allay any fears you may have about me, as you will see by the Times that the Light Cavalry Brigade were let into a sort of Chillianwallah trap and cut to pieces. It is unfortunately too true; but I am one of the lucky ones that escaped, although our regiment and the 11th Hussars went further than any into the gorge. The facts of the case are these. Lately the Cavalry have had nothing to do but guard Balaklava, and keep the communication open between it and Sevastopol, and have not been disturbed by the enemy except in occasional skirmishes with the pickets and videttes, when suddenly the other morning at day-break they made an attack on a line of small forts kept by the Turks in front of our position. The Cavalry, who were all out and mounted for the usual morning parade, that we always have an hour or two before daybreak, so as to be ready for any attack, went immediately to their support, with a troop of Horse Artillery; but could you believe it, the Turks left all the forts, some even before they were fired; the consequence was a swarm of Cavalry made a dash into Balaklava itself, but they were met on the left by the 93rd Highlanders, who are not in the habit of running away like the Turks, and sent back minus a few men, and on the right by the Heavy Cavalry, who likewise sent them to the right about, the Light Brigade being too far to the left to be able to pursue.

This was a mistake, and now comes the melancholy part of my story.

The Light Brigade were ordered to the front, and Nolan, "my friend," brought an order for us to attack them down a long valley they had retreated into; now to understand why we did this rash and stupid act, you must know that lately there has been some stupid chaff about the Cavalry being afraid of the Cossacks, and Nolan had made some remarks about it to Lord Lucan, he is rather suspected, as he was the man sent to make the reconnaissance before we attacked, of having misrepresented to Lord Raglan the nature of the ground and the position of the enemy.

Well, the Light Brigade advanced at a trot, and had not gone a hundred yards before we got into a shower of grape shot bullets, round shot, and in fact every kind of missile from both sides of the valley, the enemy having got a battery on each side, and two or three regiments of sharp-shooters in bushes. The consequence was we were enfiladed for half a mile by the hottest possible fire at about 30 or 40 yards distance, nevertheless we passed on, got beyond their fire, and captured some guns and drove back their Cavalry. But by this time we found ourselves completely cut off from our own army, about 90 of the Brigade left with a swarm of Cavalry in our front, a regiment of Russian Lancers in our rear, and all the fire to undergo again. Well the only thing to do was to get the debris together, and go at them with all our might and cut our way back, which some of us succeeded in doing, but when we got back and came to count heads, we found there were only 190 left out of 700 that went into action. Poor Halkett and Sparke are among the missing; Hutton was shot through both legs and in the back, but will recover I think.

We are now a perfect skeleton of a regiment, only having 50 left, and are therefore useless. We live in the hope of being sent home to recruit up again, and being sent out again in the spring, but I am afraid they will hardly do that. Poor Nolan was shot the first ball. It is quite melancholy to see the Brigade turn out, the whole being no larger than a regiment was before. The 13th Hussars suffered most, having only 28 men left. Khyber Pass and Lord Gough was a fool to it, as it was useless waste of life.

The Russian troops when met by ours in the field invariably run away. In fact, even in the shattered state we were in, a Pole who deserted, said it was all the officers could do to keep the Infantry in the bushes from running away, for fear we should charge them. If we had waited ten minutes more for our own Infantry and the French Cavalry, we should have retaken all the forts and annihilated their army. The Russians attacked our Infantry about a mile off yesterday, and got a tremendous beating. We do not know when we shall storm the town, but I hope soon, as I am getting tired of lying on the ground with only one shirt, and am getting very rheumatic in my joints, turning out at 4 o'clock in the dark; reconnoitering and standing about for hours in the damp night dew without any cloak is killing work. One night when we expected an attack, we stood the whole night with our bridles in our hands, ready to mount at a moment's notice; some of the men not having laid down for two nights previously.

I am much obliged for your thinking of the writing case, and will you send me a saddle I left at home, as Hunt lost mine when we had to retreat from our position, taking care however to save the brandy bottle with which he got drunk. I hope that poor little Maria ia all right again now, and that you are all well. I am afraid you will think my letters are rather egotistical, all about my own doings out here. It is quite true about poor Hare being dead. Tom Tryon was not at Alma, and the other was not engaged.

>p>Tell Philip I have not time to write to him, as, owing to Ellis being sick, I have to act as Adjutant for him, and have had lots to do all day, and we have no candles to see with at night. In fact we are glad to go to bed as soon as dark, as we turn out every moring at half-past three. You may as well add my hair and brushes and another looking glass, as I have broken mine and not seen my face for weeks; we have all given up shaving, and are awfully bronzed, so that you will not know me when I get back if I do not shave. Remember me to all my friends, especially Erskine, and with love to all, and hoping soon to get away from this hole, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

P.S. - Please send me out a Church Service; by some mistake Philip only sent me a Bible, and no Prayer Book. There is one my tutor gave me among my books.

Sevastopol, November 2, 1854

Dear Philip, I have no doubt you have seen my letter about the battle of Balaklava, in which I was engaged. The Light Brigade making the most gallant but at the same time most disastrous charge in the annals of warfare. The weather here has changed now, and is fearfully cold, and has caused immense sickness in the camp, in fact we have only 16,000 men out of 30,000 left. One regiment, in fact the whole Light Brigade are mere skeletons of regiments, turning out thirty or forty men for a regiment. Will you write a line to Corney, and say I am not dead or buried as he may suppose. We are all very dirty now. I have been touched up with rheumatism already from the cold and damp, and I cannot pretend to say what the consequences would be if they attempt to keep us through the winter in tents. As to Sevastopol, I dont [sic] think it will ever be taken, as we are just as far off as ever, to my humble comprehension. I am quite tired of hearing cannon, and certainly never wish to be under such fearful fire as we were the other day again; the old soldiers say Cavalry never were exposed to such a fire before, and Lord Raglan said when he saw us start, "those men are going to utter destruction; " and Canrobert said, "not a man will return, " and they certainly would not if the Russian cavalry had been worth anything. We do nothing but perpetually move our camp. We moved four times last week; no other brigade have moved since they have been here. The property of deceased officers sells at enormous prices, a pair of common boots fetching 35s., a great coat £10., every thing else in proportion. I have no time for more, as I have the unpleasant task of informing Mr. Sparke of his son's death in my place as Adjutant. Hoping you are all well, and with my love, Your affectionate brother, F. Wykeham Martin.

Sevastopol, November 2, 1854

Dear Mama, I have just received your parcels by the railway vessels, and hear there is another in the parcel office for me, which, from its weight I conclude is the stove, which I shall not attempt to bring up here as it is too heavy, and I can do without it till I am moved, which I think will be very soon. I have one parcel missing now, the one with the axe and saw in it and Marsh's boots. I have sent one large parcel to England, but still have three times as much as I can carry here, what to do with them I do not know. Tell Erskine his cigars are very good, and that I will write to him by this mail if I can. I wish I could get Marsh's boots, then I would write to him. Charles Trollope has got charge of a brigade, and has offered me to be his Aide, but as it is not certain whether it is permanent or not I have not yet finally settled whether I take it. Will you tell Philip to use my cheque, as if I want money when I come home I will apply to him for some, and at this moment I do not write, as I wrote to him by the last mail, but had not then received his letter. I will deliver the mittens the first opportunity to Col. Reynardson. All the Tryons are gone, so I can give him two pair. I have appropriated Miss Osborne's purple comforter to myself and given the other away. The Ladies Nevill ought to have put their names to theirs. Hunt has taken the pair done by James, and says that he hopes he shall be able to show them to him again some day. The army is much better in health than it was, the chief thing now being scorbutic dysentery. We have got everything in a forward state, and it is expected something will be done shortly. You need not believe half what that paper the Times says, for instance, he says that the French horses are all well: now to prove that is not true, Gen. D'Allonville (who speaks English), came to our camp the other day and told us the French European horses were suffering as much as ours. This was a great deal for a Frenchman to admit, as they never talk about their losses in the French army in public: another thing, the Times says that the 2nd Division were on short rations, now I know from the General and other officers that they have never missed their rations once since they have been before Sevastopol, with the exception of one day, when I believe they had half allowance. . . They have refused me leave to be Aide to Col. Trollope as there are not subalterns enough here; perhaps it is as well as it is. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin I saw Capt. Reynardson to-day, and thanked him for bringing my parcel.

Camp Sevastopol, November 12

My Dear Mama, The siege has failed in consequence of the great loss sustained at the Battle of Inkerman on Sunday last; We had on our side 136 officers killed and wounded, among them Messrs. Thorold, Malcolm and Eliot of the Guards. We are now to remain here all the winter in tents, on the top of this high hill with little or no water, frozen to death one night, and washed out of one's tent the next. At this moment the mud outside my tent is two inches deep, worse than Chobham; pleasant, when one has to sleep in ones boots; to add to all, these perpetual attacks from the Russians, you will have some slight idea how happy we are. I hope you have not sent my things, as we must alter a good many. Patent leather boots and gold belts will be useless out here, but a pair of thick uniform overalls, leathered at the bottoms, and a pair of long jack calf skin boots with hunting spurs, and my dress jacket, as owing to the alteration of uniform it is of no further use, but they will allow us to wear it here. A thick set of shooting clothes and the india-rubber tub, although I am afraid I shall not be able to use it, as I have not washed for three days. The provisions you can send. I have never received the boots you sent first, so I suppose they are lost in the boat. Mittens and those sort of things, tell Maria, are very useful, also a quantity of 1s. books, and a complete set of waterproof things. I have put all these things down in rather queer order, but it is just as they happen to come into my head. Why on earth they keep the Light Brigade here I don't know, as we have only about 200 horses instead of 1500. How are we to reorganise the Regiments here on the top of this hill? We never ought to have started from Varna, as it was too late in the year; we expect all the horses to die and most of the men; we have lost already 9000 animals since we landed in the Crimea. I forgot to put down Guernseys, flannel shirts, worsted socks, an air pillow, and an emigrant's stove, if not too expensive; not that I think we shall have any thing to burn in it, as there is no fuel to be got here. I will now describe our present life. We get up before daylight, shiver about without cloaks on our horses till it is light, then turn into your lines, get your breakfast, if the wind and rain will let you, then idle about till dinner time, when dinner is over it is dark, we then stick a bayonet in the ground and a candle in the part that fixes on to the musket, and three or four of us sit and talk on the ground round till about half past seven or eight; then we lie down, I cannot call it going to bed, till the next morning. This is only varied by alarms from the Russians. Tell Maria I would answer her letter, only one has very little time to oneself during daylight, and one cannot see by candlelight. I am glad she enjoyed her visit to my lively and amusing friends, the Miss Derbys. Tell Fairfax I wish I had his bonfire out here, as we can hardly get any thing to burn and it is awfully cold. Fairfax says he was seen walking about with a rabbit on Sunday; [This alludes to Fairfax taking Fiennes's dog out on a Sunday, and its killing a rabbit before he could stop it, which shocked him much] tell him his brother last Sunday was assisting to kill 15,000 Russians, and to-day, Sunday, I hear there has been another attack at Balaklava.

Philip has not written to me for some time. Ask him to do so, and to tell me how his hunting goes on. I forgot to tell you Col. Trollope's Regiment is ordered here but has not arrived yet. We want re-inforcements to arrive quick, to prevent them driving us out of our position, and the Infantry regiments here are much reduced. We hope by the spring to have got a large enough army here to starve them out. You will see by the Gazette that I am now Lieut., and I think I shall soon get my Troop.

By the time you get this you will be thinking of your Christmas festivities. I am afraid I shall not be at your Rent dinner this time; however, I hope you will do for me as you did for Cornwallis, that is to say do for me as you did for Cornwallis, that is to say, "I wish I was with them," or even allowed to wait at table, as that would be better than being here. I must now conclude my long grumbling letter, but upon my word it is enough to make a saint swear, to be told he is to remain perched on the top of this rock a whole winter: and with love to all, I remain, your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin

Camp, Sevastopol, November 17, 1854 Dear Mama, I wrote to you by the last mail telling you that the siege had failed, but I am afraid you will not get the letter, as since then we have had a terrific storm, which has sunk or wrecked ten ships, among them the mail that went from here, and the one that ought to have come in, also the ship that had the winter clothing on board for the troops; the consequence is, we are in an awful mess, having no clothes to keep off the very cold weather that has now set in here. I told you in my last, but must tell you again, (for fear you did not receive it), that we had an awful battle on the 5th of November, in which we lost 2500 men and 143 officers killed and wounded; the consequence was we were obliged to stop the siege and wait for reinforcements, and make up our mind to winter here. Rather pleasant in tents, when you are visited by a storm that blew down every tent and took away half your kit with it, leaving you in the rain and cold; five men and ten horses in our brigade died of the cold. Colonel Trollope has arrived with his regiment as a reinforcement. There is nothing but cold and wet, sleeping in your clothes wet through, your feet like a snow ball, with perpetual turns out in the middle of the night from perpetual alarms from the Russians, half the army gone from sickness and nothing done. We do not expect to be in the place till Christmas and perhaps not then. By the time you get this you will be in the middle of your Christmas festivities, you must do the needful for me at the rent dinner if they propose my health, and tell them I should like to be there even to scape up the leavings. Also tell Stedman that his sleeping out after poachers is a joke to sleeping in your clothes for six weeks; some of the men have neither boots or socks, and are up to their knees in mud. Our unfortunate regiments turns out 20 file instead of 420. The day of the storm we had nothing for 24 hours, men or horses, and it was snowing and raining all the time, and the wind blew so hard it was impossible to keep a tent up. You will think I am a great grumbler, but it is a fact that I am laughed at out here for taking it all so quietly and never grumbling; the fact is, I am afraid I keep it all for you. They talk of hutting us here, but there is no wood; if it is not done soon there will be no horses left to hut. I will now wish you all good-bye, and wishing you a merry Christmas and a happy new year, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin

Sevastopol, Nov. 22, 1854

Dear Philip, As yet I have only drawn £35 besides what I drew in England, and that I should not have done if I had had my bullock trunks in which I left £50, or if Government would give us any pay; but in the want of the two latter I was obliged to draw on England. As to my cheques I shall be obliged to get Ridgway to pay for my things if you do not, at all events a part of them, as I see no reason because I am in the Crimea, I should sponge upon you for money, as long as I have any of my own, especially as I may get shot any day, and then you could not get back the money, as you would have nothing to show; so I think old fellow you had better spend my money as far as it will go, and then you can help me when I get back, if I ever do. - The horse you gave me carried me splendidly through the severest cavalry action ever fought and was much fresher than most of the horses at the end. I certainly must have had immense luck, as the only thing I had touched was the curb hook, the top of which was shot away; every one else, men and officers, had much narrower escapes; although the fire at Balaklava was perfectly fearful, destroying the whole of the Brigade I belong to, we were none of us so nearly picked off by Russian shots as we were at Inkerman, where they again brought us uselessly under fire, the only thing we could charge being a ship nearly a mile off. Lord Raglan's orders in both cases were misunderstood. I saw Gerald Goodlake after Inkerman, luckily he was on picket, otherwise he would most likely have been potted, as the Coldstreams only brought out three officers out of sixteen that went into action, and fourteen rank and file; rather a gap in the poor old Guards.

I hope you are having good sport with the hounds this year, what ripping good sport I should have had at Troubridge with the Duke of Beaufort, and on leave with you. Tell Lizzie that the Bible was a very acceptable gift from her; but now that I am getting religious I should like a Prayer-book also, as I do not possess that needful article. Owing to my thinking you were going to send me a Church Service, I sent my own Prayer-book back again. I cannot prepay these mighty edifying epistles, as I cannot get stamps, and the Post Office will not take money.

I have written a letter to Mamma by this mail, which you had better get passed on, as there are some things in it I have not put in this, and vice versà. Remember me to the vicar of Chacombe, and all the aunts, tell them I have in prospect some day to give them a line, and with love, Your affectionate brother, Fiennes Wykeham Martin The sword you got at Wilkinson's had a very bad edge, as it turned quite blunt with one cut I gave a Russian at Balaklava. Sevastopol, November 24, 1854 Dear Maria, As I have not written to you for some time, and you have been kind enough to write me a letter or two, I will now do you the honor to answer them by the light of a candle stuck in a porter bottle. I will endeavour to give you the news. In the first place, I have received Mamma's two letters, yours, and Philip's, the former telling me all my kit has started, and as I perceive by the list, that all the principal things are in it that I wanted, you can send the others any opportunity. I am sorry to have to communicate to Mamma that poor Henry Tryon in the Rifle Brigade, was shot last night in a skirmish the Rifles had with the enemy's sharp-shooters. He was much liked in the Regiment, and was considered one of the best and most gallant officers that that noble corps possessed. One of the Rifles told me that Tryon shot fifty men with his own rifle at the battle of Inkerman, although he was on the sick list at the time; whether that is true or only exaggerated I do not know, but at all events he was a very good officer: he is to be buried to-morrow. We have not yet received our kits and are still on the one shirt system. How long they will keep is in this state of dirt I do not know, but we are beginning to think it time to make a change: unfortunately the ship with all the government clothing on board for the troops was lost in the awful hurricane we had here on the 14th. Charles Trollope is here as cheery as possible, but his Regiment has not yet been engaged. I hope the Government will soon send out some more Cavalry. When we first started from England and were complete in numbers, the force was utterly unworthy of such a country as England, but now it is utterly ridiculous and is only a mere farce, the weather kills the horses daily. We are now detached from the heavy Cavalry, and are watching a Russian army down in a valley, our business being to charge them if they come up the precipice, a thing we are about as likely to do as you are to take a stroll up the side of the bastion wall; however we get off night duty, which is a great pull, and only turn out with the rest of the army in the morning. Tell Cornwallis in your next letter to him that I will give him another epistle soon. It is getting very cold, and we have got orders to hut ourselves, but how we are to do it without spades, shovels, pickaces, hammers, or wood, we have not yet discovered; I suppose it will be done by next April when it will not be wanted. The English army get on very well with the French; but since the battle of Balaklava we have done nothing but kick the Turks out of our camp whenever they come into it; they take it as quietly as possible. An officer in the Inniskillings saw a Turk passing by his tent, he rushed out and applied his toe vigorously to a nameless part, and after all it turned out to be a Turkish Infantry Officer, who took it quite quietly, never saying a word. At Inkerman, General Canrobert would not bring the Turks up to fight, but we now make them dig the trenches, and in that way we save our men. We have heard from deserters that the Russian loss at Inkerman was 24,000, out of which there were 300 officers and 2 generals, a pretty considerable beating, considering they surprised us in the early part of the morning when we were all asleep, and added to that, the reserve ammunition was not up; consequently our men were without anything to fire with for a long time. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate brother, F. Wykeham MartinSince writing the above I have attended the funeral of poor Tryon. I am sorry to say Tom Tryon is far from well, but Lord Burghersh has done his best to get him sent on board ship; I believe he will go to-morrow. Tell Cornwallis not to bear hard on my horse's mouth when he rides him, or he will fidget the whole time and it will spoil him as a charger. I see in Mama's list she has not included a lamp, a thing I want very much. It does not signify sending too many things, as I can sell them here at fabulous profit. I forgot to say I met Lord Burghersh at Tryon's funeral, he was very civil and said he recollected me at Leeds Castle. Tell Mama I will send home a blank cheque for £5 for my servant's friends, also for articles bought for me, as I find I can easily within one's income here, buying every thing you can in the way of luxuries, in which I do not stint myself, as here I consider every one has a right to make oneself as comfortable as possible at any price within one's means, though that is little enough God knows. Remember me to any people about the place that you think would care about it, and wish them a merry Christmas. I am afraid I shall come short of pudding this year. I must now end my twaddle.

Camp, Sevastopol, November 27th, 1854

Dear Mama, I write you a line, as I think in these times you will not mind a 3d. to know that I have not been potted up to the date of my letter. I wrote letters to Philip and Maria by the last mail, and to Cornwallis and Uncle Frank by this. I see up to the 4th November, by the papers, you had not a true account of Balaklava, but I dare say you have by this time; we are still as uncomfortable as ever, although I hear there is some talk of our getting kits. The weather is very cold and we have been literally washed out of our tents; some of us being obliged to stand all night, as the ground was too wet to lie down on. Hunt wants £2. 10s. sent to his wife. Will you let me know what you have paid altogether, including the £5 for my other servant; he has received no letters, owing to being left behind at Varna ill. I will send you a cheque for the whole; I have given Philip up as he will not use my cheques. I told you all about poor Tryon in my letter to Maria, as also that Lord Burghersh had introduced himself to me. I have never got your parcel, by the Faith, but I believe it is with Ridgway's agent at Constantinople, who is a slack man in business, as he does not answer one's letters. I conclude by the next mail I shall get a full description of your visit to Eridge, also your condolences on the loss of the Brigade. They are endeavouring to keep us here all the winter, but nearly all the horses are dead of cold, and some of the men, and those that are left have not a go left in them I am afraid, as they tumble down even going to water. As to the siege, I think it seems to retrograde instead of progressing, as the Russians opened two batteries this morning we silenced a month ago. I have no more news, having written so lately, and with my best love to all, and merry Christmas and happy New Year, in case I do not write again before that time. Do not forget to send me jack boots, hunting spurs and India-rubber suit in your next parcel, good bye, and Believe meYour affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin Tell Cornwallis if he is at home, to lick Fairfax for me, and put him out on the lawn every night for an hour, and fire a gun at him, that he may have an idea what sort of life I am passing; also give him my love and thank him for his letter.

Camp, Sevastopol, November 30th, 1854

Dear Papa, I see by the papers I am gazetted to a Lieutenancy by purchase, vice Hartman, I had no idea, till I received your letter, that Hartman was going to leave us, and who has paid the money I do not known; however, I think I shall get it back again; as it has happened subsequently to the action of Balaklava, I am therefore entitled to Halket's death vacancy and get it for nothing; will you represent it to the Horse Guards for me, if you do not see my promotion by purchase cancelled before you receive this letter. This is always done, and then I should be gazetted vice Halket killed in action; they always cancel by purchase when the death has happened previous, and ante-date back to the time of the death.

We have got a fine day at last, but our horses have had nothing to eat for three days, owing to the bad state of the roads, consequently they die by three or four at a time. I believe we go to Balaklava to-morrow, our old place, to be near the forage; we are now before Sevastopol. The new men that come out here are taken sick much easier than the men that are left of the old set; out of 100 men that came in a draft for the Grenadier Guards, only three were fit for duty two days after; the laying on the wet ground shuts them up. I forgot to say that in a short time I shall be first for my Troop and to prevent mistakes I shall authorize Hoare to honour your drafts.

The rain has come on again as hard as ever, and we have not been able to march to Balaklava this morning; four days now the horses have had nothing to eat, ten have died in forty-eight hours, and the rest I do not think could walk to Balaklava without falling down. Rather useful Cavalry we are at present, not 200 effective horses in the Brigade, and the whole unable to walk. It really ought to be known in England, as it would be throwing away lives to charge immense bodies of Cavalry now, as the horses would fall down and we should be cut to pieces; besides, the wet has destroyed the whole of the saddlery, and Sevastopol is rather further from being taken now than it was the first night we got here, and the weather is so much against us that we cannot do anything.

I will wind up by reminding you to give Regulation but not any more. I am still in the best of health and spirits, although I should like to be in more comfortable quarters and to belong to a Regiment or Brigade that was of some use, and not a dismounted Dragoon, as I shall be in a short time. We are still without kits and are with the one shirt we landed with; ragged is no name for the men, walking about in buff is nearer the mark. A charge is certainly an exciting thing, but this living for months in a tent without your kit, in a wet pond and with nothing to do, is anything but exciting; in fact it is now the most tedious work imaginable and requires more pluck than fifty charges. Hoping you are all well as I am at present, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin, Lieutenant 4th Light Dragoons 2nd Division Camp, Sevastopol, no date. Received in England, December 18th Dear Mama, Since writing you my last letter, I have got myself into a hole; that is to say, I am detached five miles from my Regiment by myself, with twenty men; my duties are simply to find orderlies to go mounted to the advanced pickets, and in case of an attack, to send others to the other Divisions to say how and in what force we are attacked. I have been here only two days, but I can assure you from spending one night in a bell tent alone, with no books, and being dark at five o'clock, is very dreadful. The only thing that makes it bearable is that Charles Trollope's Regiment is in this division, so that I spend the greater part of my time there, but it is an awkward walk at night, being up to your knees in mud and slush. I dined with him last night and rode with him to the advanced picket to-day. The Royal Albert has arrived, but she came into Cherson instead of Balaklava, so I have not even got that parcel yet. The only things I have received (which I got half-an-hour ago), are some muffetees from Aunt Fanny. You do not appear to have got my letters describing the storm of the 14th of November. The old siege goes on as usual, and we have got in much nearer on our side, and have also fortified Inkerman, which we ought to have done long ago. The Infantry are enduring great hardships, short of food, and out three or four nights a week, and two or three shot out of a picket of a night. Last night the Russians took a whole picket, officers and all, they were all asleep and the Russians were on them before they knew where they were and bayoneted some. It was one of the most advanced pickets, they ought not to have been caught napping; if they ever come back they may think themselves lucky, the only excuse for them is being so frightfully hard worked. Will you send me the Times newspaper from the date of this letter, as I am quite out of the world here, trusting to other people's kindness for any news. I am glad you saw Cornwallis, although it was only for a few days. I hope he will not come out here, as the only good he could do would be working in the trenches, the hardest work of all. I hear I am in the Gazette without purchase, but I have not seen it yet. I live in hopes that if I live through the campaign, I may return a Major. The only sticker I see in my way is Adlington, and nothing would induce him to leave; my best chance would be a good exchange when I get my troop. I hear Joliffe has got a company in the Coldstreams, I suppose because his brother who died was in that Regiment. I left the Light Brigade the morning I got your letter, so had no opportunity of asking about the man Harris in the 8th Hussars, but I will as soon as possible. Will you send me a pair of braces by the post and then I shall probably get them. It is certainly hard lines one should be stuck on the top of a hill working for one's country and not able to get a parcel from England. Did you ever get my letter asking for jack boots, hunting spurs, emigrant's stove, and complete suit of waterproof; if not, please send them by Hayter, as he seems the only authorized Government agent. Tell Papa he is much wanted here as we are all doing engineering for ourselves, either hollowing out our tents or building huts; the latter is out of my power, as it is an impossibility to obtain wood, so I shall try the first. I am afraid now I have got up to this cold place again it will kill my horses. They tell me my command here is of great importance. I do not quite see it, as the chief use is that the orderly from the picket should bring quick intelligence to the Camp in case of an alarm. Now, as none of the horses can boil up a trot from weakness, I think a good swift runner would be more useful; in fact, I think I rather endanger the Camp than otherwise. I have nothing more to tell you, and with love to all, and kind remembrances to Gibbons, Erskine, and all others that care for my existence, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Camp, Balaklava, December 6th, 1854

Dear Papa, Since writing you my last letter, which you will receive at the same time with this, owing to private letters being stopped by the last two mails, I have become first for purchase, consequently, if you get a letter from the Horse Guards for me, requesting the payment of £2500, will you do so by the means I pointed out in my last letter. I would not let a Troop slip on any account if I can help it; great luck for me getting a Troop so soon, if I do so. I received your letters to-day, of the 15th November, congratulating me on my escape at Balaklava. There is no news to tell you as I wrote so lately, except that the Russian Army has evacuated the forts taken on the Balaklava day, and gone we don't know where. I must now conclude, as I dare not risk losing the post, which is just going, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin p.S. Our kits are landed at last, but I have not got any of your parcels. Balaklava, December 17th, 1854 Dear Father, The siege still goes on feebly, and I do not see that we are any nearer accomplishing our object than we were the first day; we want more men and finer weather. The Infantry up at the Fort are actually in want of food; so much so, that the Cavalry are now employed in carrying up biscuit and pork to them, which with pickets gives us a great deal to do; the weather is dreadful, snow, rain and cold day after day, and still we are under canvas with anything but proper clothing to stand it; the number of men sick is something awful, and when I say sick I do not men slightly ill, but almost dead. Our horses are not yet hutted, although we have got the order to do so, but as we are on duty every day and all day, so much so that the men have not time to wash their faces; how we are to hut I do not know. Neither myself or any other officer that I can hear of have received any of the numerous parcels sent from England to us. It ought to be represented in England that we have no store in Balaklava for parcels from England. The steamers and vessels come in and go, very likely, before we receive letters to say what ship they are in; as in my case, the Faith was in the harbour for some time, but I did not know that she had any thing for me till she had gone again. I suppose we shall get them at the same time with the reinforcements, wooden huts, and other comfortable things we hear of, coming. I feel highly flattered at your thinking my letter describing the Balaklava affair as worthy a place in the Times, but I am afraid the English would hardly have passed muster in public print. I have received very kind letters from the Chacombites. I must also thank you for your kind present as it is just the thing I wanted, (A thick uniform made of Pilot cloth, with lace, etc on it) as I find the thieves on board ship have stolen my great coat, among other things, out of my kit; it will also be the saving of my life on picket duty most likely, an amusement I have dropped into again. I can assure you it is very jolly out on a large plain, very cold, and raining or snowing the whole time. We have heard that Austria has joined the Western Powers; I hope it is true; I still continue to hope that we may take this place before long. You say in your last letter that you did not enter into any gaieties on my account. I hope that you will alter this as soon as possible, as life is too short not to enjoy it as much as possible, and if you are under any fears, for me they are groundless, as until reinforcements arrive we cannot possibly go into action, our present strength being 50 horses, therefore my only chance of hopping the twig is by disease, which might equally happen in England; so, for goodness sake, do not stop any festivities or going to balls on my account. Tell Cornwallis, if by any chance he comes out here, by no means apply for the Trenches, as the night work there knocks every body up and he would probably only make one more; they are frequently four nights out of seven there on duty, which in this weather would kill a horse; and moreover he would never get a chance of seeing me as I am five miles off; people in England have no idea what the Trenches mean, but I can tell them it kills more men than the Russian bullets; and with best love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Camp, Sevastopol, Jan. 1st, 1855

Dear Maria, I must, I think, dedicate this epistle to you, as you have written me so many and I have not answered them. In the first place, will you tell Papa I have received his packet at last, by Royal Albert, and am much obliged. The only improvement that could be made would be, if they were larger, as owing to my having grown bigger, and Rich having made them tighter than usual, I can hardly get into them. You cannot have things made too large; there is the same fault in the boots, they are very well made and would look very well in Regent Street, but if there was a sudden alarm I could not get into them. Tell Marsh in future to make them three times as large and twice as thick. I have discovered two parcels for me on board the Cosmopolitan, but I cannot get them out till the huts are landed. The big boots, water proofs, books and tools are what I want most; I have likewise received letters dated the 12th of December from Philip, Aunt Fanny, Papa and Mama. They are getting on with the siege slowly but I hope surely; the great drawback being the immense amount of sick, 13,000 at the present time being non-effective, and the men are a most miserable looking lot. The new Regiments suffer a great deal more than the old ones. The officers, now they have got their huts and are off the ground, do not suffer much, and live very well, only provisions are dear and a long way off, but when we come to drinking liquors, I do not think we are much to be pitied, except for the dirt and discomfort of living in a tent. When I get my stove I shall dig mine down, and then I shall be pretty snug. I went with Col. Trollope to-day to see the Naval Brigade, and found George Tryon, with his messmates, had made themselves a very snug little house. Col. Trollope is building quite a mansion for these parts, with two rooms, the only difficulty being the roofing and flooring without boards or tiles. The French beat us in taking care of their troops; their men, officers, and horses, all being covered in long ago, consequently they have few sick. Send me out a strong pair of braces by post, as I am deficient of those articles and cannot get any here, almost the only thing you cannot get now. The warmest thing I find to wear in these parts, is a long coat with a hood, it is called a Greco, used by the Greek sailors and Turks. It is almost proof against any wet and is very warm; you would think me a very odd figure if you saw me in mine. If ever I come home I shall certainly bring one, as they would be invaluable to drive in. We all hear there is to be peace; I hope it is true. I have got so many things now and so many coming, I do not know how I shall move when I am relieved, without leaving half behind. To begin with, four undress jackets. I think it great nonsense the people of England giving up all gaiety for the war, as after all what is a soldier meant for but to be in the field. The French drove the Russians out of the position they took from the Turks at Balaklava yesterday, and burnt their camp. The whole of the Russian Army have now retreated to the heights about Inkerman, where they have established a Battery, and amuse themselves with throwing shell and round shot at parties going for wood. They sent some at a party Col. Trollope took down (in which I accompanied him for something to do) a great deal closer than was pleasant, one coming into the house some of us were in. It is great fun going to our advanced pickets and shooting at the Russian sharpshooters. I watched a man with a picket of the 55th for a long time, and although we shot at him and he at us several times, we did no harm to each other; it would have made you laugh to hear the men say, "Now then, Bill, he's out, pot him, " or "Look out, Bob, do him, " and a bullet would whistle over your head as you squatted behind a wall of stones. You would think they were rabbit shooting and watching for them to come out of their holes, instead of men shooting; and now having twaddled long enough, I will say good bye, with love to the united happy family, I remain, Your affectionate brother, F. Wykeham Martin.

Camp, Sevastopol, January 9th, 1855

Dear Family in general, for I have received a letter to-day from nearly every individual in it, for which I thank you all most sincerely. I have now received some of your parcels; that is to say, those by the Faith, Royal Albert, and Cosmopolitan, and expect to get the others shortly. The Leopard has not yet arrived, but she has to me the most important parcel of all, namely, the boots, saw and axe, books, and waterproof leggings. I only hope the long boots are large enough. There are plenty of people coming out at last, so I shall be able to get things without sending home I hope, except uniforms and boots. I have now got such a kit I could not move without throwing away heaps, and as I am not at the front it is more than probable the Russians may make me do so, considering the state of the Army. For the last week we have had awful weather, the first three days a drenching cold rain with sleet, the last three days snow with intense frost, so bad that an Officer of the 9th foot was frozen to death walking home from Balaklava, having previously missed his way; and several privates of the Regiments in pickets have lost their toes. I thank my stars I have no pickets to do now, being in a separate command. The huts now they are come are found too heavy to bring up to camp. I suppose we shall get them by the spring when they are not wanted. I am now living in the lap of luxury with Charles Trollope, who is supplied with every thing of the best by the most indefatigable exertions of Mrs. Trollope, from Malta, who appears to me to be the best soldier's wife I have ever heard of. He is in high spirits and says I must do all the writing for him to Leeds. He is in command of a Brigade in the 2nd Division, pro tem. in which I think he is likely to be continued. George Tryon is looking very well, and stands his work like a man. I also saw Mr. Sheffield the other day. It is my belief if we do not do something soon or make peace, the Russians will be down upon us and clear us up in the spring. Papa's present of the pea coat, fur cap, gloves, and thick suit of uniform, are very good, especially if old Rich had made them large enough. The mail now leaves here twice a week, so I cannot undertake to write every mail to everybody, so I have addressed this to the people of England at large, although I have written it ias if to one person, so that all may see it if they like. I wrote to Mr. Strange by his mail, thinking he might like to know how his old pupil was getting on, and did intend writing to Billy Adolphus (This is the Rev. Wm. Adolphus Carter, his tutor at Eton), but was afraid of his marking my letters as he did my themes, thus . . . all over, so I have deferred it to another time. You may tell my servant's friends that he is doing very well at present, but heartily wishes himself back in England again. Also tell Harris that his son was made a Corporal when I enquired about him, so I conclude he is doing well. I did not see him at the time.

I have not received the Maidstone paper, so have not seen my name in print. If you have the other you might send it as I should like to see what is said. I have no news of any kind, so with my usual good wishes to everybody, I remain, Your affectionate relation, F. Wykeham Martin.

Inkerman Heights, Jan. 24th, 1855

Dear Mama, I have received your letter telling me of Mr. Marsh's present; when I receive it I will write and thank him for it, or if I do not receive it at all I shall certainly thank him for his good intention. I have not got the things by the Lamacca yet, but am going to Balaklava to-morrow to see if I can hear anything of them. I had to find an escort for two Russian deserters (Poles), who told us that the Russian army had got reinforcements to the amount of 30,000 men and 16 batteries of Artillery. Our Artillery are so completely unhorsed by the weather, that no Battery except the one at Balaklava could possible bring more than three guns into action, and some of them not that. The frost has made great havoc with the men's toes and the horses; of the former many have dropped off. It is awful to see the state some of the Hospitals are in; I went to-day to see a man of my detachment whose toes have been frost bitten. I found him crammed in a bell tent with twelve men, one of whom was in the last stage of death, without any one seeming to know or care anything about it. They have at last got up one tent a Regiment for a hospital, which is a great thing; a to the others I do not suppose the laest attempt will be made to get them up till the spring, when they will not be wanted. The great fault of the whole Army is their not having a waggon train the same as other continental nations. I believe Lord Raglan has done as much as was possible with the materials he had. The real truth is we never had sufficient means of transport or an army sufficient for such an undertaking. Will you thank Erskine for his intended present, and tell him I will give him an autograph letter as soon as I can. Adams says in Maria's last that she concludes that she is included in my remembrances to the establishment; tell her I beg to be most particularly remembered to her as well as all the others. I saw a letter from her ladyship the other day, in which she appeared to be in her usual health and spirits. How is Laura? I think I have behaved very badly to her in not having written to her since Varna. However tell her I will make up as soon as I have an opportunity, for lost time. Julia and George I have not heard of for some time, so I conclude they are quite well; remember me to them next time you write, and also to little Edith. I suppose the parcels coming with the Navvies will be here shortly. My servant, Friend, wishes £2. 10s. to be sent to the same address at last time, will you see to it? and mind and send me by the next mail the amount due to you, and I will send you a cheque for it, and one for the Governor for the £100 due to him. We have been recommended to get the new uniform, as the men are to have it in April, but I feel rather stingy about it, as I have spent so much already to so little purpose. I hope the long boots will be big enough when they arrive, but I am afraid from what I have received, they will not; what I have got are a perfect fit when on, but take too long to put on and would make my feet swell if I slept in them. I heard to-day that the Light Brigade of Cavalry were to go to Scutari to be mounted on native horses, but I do not know if it is true or not. I have no news and shall therefore bid you good-bye, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Camp, Sevastopol, Jan. 28th, 1855

Dear Mama, I have just received your letter of the 11th, and have likewise received my things from Ede's. Unluckily the portmanteau which contained the writing case and eatables was lost in the Bosphorus, so that I only got my gun, shot, and plain clothes, and shirts, which I do not know what to do with. I wrote to Ede asking him to bring up a parcel of things that I mentioned to him, but it appears he will not undertake anything, but the mere taking care of goods, or forwarding goods consigned to him, so I am overloaded with all these things, which I think I shall send back to England at once with some others. I shall have to spend a fortune in clothes when I get back to England, as all my things are worn out or scattered over the globe, and I shall have grown, owing to living in the open air, too big for any of my clothes. I should like the paper sent direct from Byfield, that I may get the latest news, as those sent through you I do not get till they are stale. The first batch was dated 1st January, the same mail brought out to the 14th. We derive the whole of the information as to what we are about from the papers, so you can imagine how anxiously we look for the latest news, even reading papers before letters sometimes, sooner than lose a chance of seeing them. I have not got the Malacca parcels, but have all the others; I dare say I shall get them in time, the ship having been at Cherson nearly a month. I believe she has got my books on board, for which I would give a good deal. I am afraid the knitting of the Ladies Nevill and Maidstone Ladies will hardly be appreciated enough by the soldiers, as they have now got more winter clothing than they can use; however I will distribute them when I get them. I hear Lord George Paget has not yet left England. I had a letter from the Sailor at Malta, in which he says that they kept it up pretty considerably with the soldiers coming out there, singing, drinking, &c. on the forecastle. Charles Trollope is very well, and begs to be remembered to Miss Osborne particularly, and sends his love to the family, I do not know if Miss O. is in the latter. If he does I shall write to his wife. I mess with him now, that is to say, he gives me a dinner every night and does not require any payment. I believe he will take me as his Aide-de-camp if he is confirmed in the command of his Brigade, if so I shall require a Staff suit, and shall acquire the honour of being abused in the Times. We hear rumours of peace here, but every time the rumour is talked of more than usual, there is sure to be a salvo of Russian guns, upon which the soldiers say to each other, "Is that pace?" (peace). I see young Tharp has got into the 62nd; he was a very nice young fellow when I knew him at Ipswich, it is a very nice Regiment and a gentlemanly set of officers. I know them all from being quartered there. The mail is closed earlier than usual, so I must say good bye and hoping you are well, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin

Camp before Sevastopol, Inkerman Heights, January 31st, 1855

Dear Philip, I think it is now your turn for a letter, but owing to the mail going so often I cannot give you all letters every time, but generally contrive to give one or two of the family; this time it is you and Cornwallis, from whom I have received a letter dated about the 28th, at Malta, where he had arrived safe. I have received my air-pillow and long calf-skin boots, by the Malacca; the only only [sic] things missing now are my portmanteau, which is I believe at the bottom of the Bosphorus, the parcel containing the axe, saw, books, your present of chamois leather under clothing, holster bottle, and the things coming out by the other vessels. Yesterday we were clever enough to allow a spy to walk through our camp, visit our Engineer's yard and go quietly back again; coupled with this, the two Grand Dukes, Nicholas and Michael have returned to Sevastopol, and we may expect another Inkerman shortly; but this time they will find Zouaves on picket instead of Englishmen; they have not the English habit of going to sleep on picket, so we shall not be caught napping as we were before, and as the place is strongly fortified, we shall probably give the young cubs a greater hiding than we did before, without so much loss ourselves. February 1stSince writing the above, I have had a thirty-two pound shot pitched within ten yards of my tent, rather a plesant [sic] visitor; fancy if it had come into my tent whilst I was asleep, how it would have startled me. Tell Papa I have to-day received the braces by the post and am much obliged. There will certainly be something done here very soon, although we do not know what; either we shall attack them or they will attack us, it does not much matter which. I shall to-morrow despatch the useless articles of my kit to England, so you can be on the look out for its arrival; among other things you will find a Greco, a stunning thing to drive to cover in; you can have it if you like, as I shall bring a new one home with me when I come. The weather has been very fine for the last two or three days, but I am afraid we shall have a change, as it never lasts long here. February 2nd. The mail is closing, so I must conclude my epistle. Tell Papa I have received the books this afternoon, but have read many of them. We, the 2nd Division, are going to be removed, I believe; if so, I shall rejoin my Regiment most likely. No time for more, so with love to every body, I remain, Your affectionate brother, Fiennes Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, February 24th, 1855

Dear Father, I have just received No. 28 letter. As you will see by the heading I have got back to my Regiment and am in the Colonel's tent, but I am afraid I shall be turned out, as I hear he is coming back to-morrow. You ask me if I want any lift in the army, it would be a very good thing if they would promote me into either of those Regiments, the 18th or 19th Light Dragoons, which they are going to organize, as I should get my Troop for nothing if they would do it. I have no claims to put forward over many others; only sometimes people do not like going into newly formed Regiments. I have just received a letter from Philip, in which he says that I am likely to become an uncle shortly. The betting here is even, that we shall be in Sevastopol in three weeks, although I myself do not think it likely that we shall even attempt it till the spring. The weather is very cold, but I do not think there is so much sickness as there was. The Cavalry are quite in clover; to show you what I had for dinner to-day, and it is a pretty good example of others. Soup, wild duck roasted and boiled, dough pudding with plums, cheese cake, oranges, sherry and porter. I think I can exist on that. To-morrow I shall try and get up Philip's barrel of wine, so that then we shall be well off. As to summer clothing I do not know that we shall be allowed to wear it, so that I cannot order anything; but at all events here one can always walk about in one's shirt and trowsers, except when on parade. If I am not made a Captain in the 18th or 19th, will you tell Rich to make me whatever uniform he is making for the other officers out here of the new pattern. I hear that my portmanteau is somewhere in the harbour, so that now the only things I have lost are the axe and knife, through the stupidity of my servant leaving them in the street. The Railway has made great progress, although not so fast as it ought, owing to the navvies not working as hard as they do at home; the truth is, the native Englishman never will work unless he is obliged. I believe it is partly owing to laziness that the men have died out here. The English soldier is decidedly the laziest and most careless man in the world, although they will fight better than any one. Charles Trollope is in high force as Brigadier. We hear the Turks at Eupatoria have given the Russians a good thrashing, but I do not know if it is true or not; they are the Danube Turks, and not the lot we have here. Most of the Regiments now have one or two tents up, besides the two for the hospital, and some Regiments are entirely hutted, especially the Cavalry and Artillery, who have more time than the Infantry. The horses also are in stables, and at Balaklava every thing is in much better order; they have established a Bazaar outside the town, which takes away the crowd from the town and leaves the houses as stores for Regiments and Brigades, so we are better than we were; likewise we have had a week of fine dry weather, which has cheered people up a little. The Cavalry and the force at Balaklava made a reconnaissance the other night; when they started it was a fine warm night, so they went out thinly clad, but before morning it was fearfully cold, with a tremendous snow storm, consequently many men and officers had their ears frost-bitten. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, March 1st, 1855

Dear Mama, I have received your letters of the 9th, and I am much obliged to you for thinking of my pocket by sending out your papers, but as you do not get the papers of the day, and you have to send them back to London, they must always be three days behind, which just makes one mail behind-hand; now, a paper of the last mail any one would give you out here, so it is only giving you trouble for nothing. I am glad to see the Sailor is promoted, he is quiet a swell and ranks above me for the present, in fact will do so unless I become a Major, before he is Commander. I have written to Philip for the things I want for the summer, as he knows the things I had before, but we all expect peace out here, so that I shall not want them. The Railway is getting on pretty well, but the head people say the navvies do not work as well here as they do in England. Lord G. Paget has rejoined and is pro tem. the Brigadier of the Light Brigade. Philip asked me if the Bab (that is to be) should have my name or not: I told him he had better give the first one his own name, and if there is another it would be time enought to think about it. Philip is going to borrow my charger when his yeomanry comes out. I see Lord Cardigan is getting immense kudos for his conduct in the Crimea. There are so many fellows of different Regiments smoking and making a row, that I cannot write any more. I have written to Peareth to bring me out some Regimental saddlery in the Julia. With love to all, and hoping you are all well, Believe me, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, March 12th, 1855

Dear Mama, I was very sorry to hear of poor Julia's death, but I have not yet had an opportunity of seeing Col. Trollope. I must likewise take this opportunity of thanking the Governor for his liberality in presenting me with £100. I hear purchase is done away with altogether, but I do not believe it. The last report here is that the Emperor of Russia is dead from an attack of pleurisy, and Prince Menschikoff is wounded in the knee. The English Army is recovering itself gradually; all the Cavalry are in huts, horses and all, except the officers, who remain in tents, in fact we turn out the few we have as clean as if we were in Dublin. Every one declares (Lord Raglan included) that there must be peace now that the Emperor is dead; if so, we shall be sent home first, having no horses and being of no use here. In case the war goes on, a patrol tent would be a very useful thing to have; a white one, rather larger than the one I had when I came out. My things are on board the Bucephalus and will go home in her whenever she goes, but at present she is a storeship at Kamisch. I am glad the Sailor got his promotion and also got through the scarlet fever. Another parcel of the concentrated soup would be very useful, as it is not to be got here, other things you can get. We have got up some Race meetings here and the French have some also, so with that and dog hunting we contrive to pass our time. We have everything ready for an assault, which will take place very soon, if the report about the Emperor is not true; if it is, his successor is peaceful, so we shall do nothing. If the bread riots become general, Philip will have the change of showing his military prowes, by keeping the mob in order. I have nothing more to say and with love to allI remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

P.S. The holster pipe bottle Papa sent out got smashed by the stove coming out. Will you get me a glass one from Gardens; I have just got up the big stove, but I cannot sell it, as we are inundated with stoves and the weather is quite hot again; I likewise want a new sheepskin if they are not done away with.

Balaklava, March 14, 1855

Dear Philip, From what I can see you are likely soon to be called out to stop bread riots and other turbulent mobs. All you have got to do if you are, is to form your men up so that they take up the whole of the street, pavement and all, and then trot quietly down the street with drawn swords; one squadron in column division would do it easy, with another in reverse in case you get into confusion. Sir Colin Campbell's battery at Balaklava has just shot a Russian in the plain. All the batteries at Sevastopol are ready for use, but we are not going to begin until we know whether the tale is true about the Emperor being dead, as Alexander his eldest son is a peaceful youth. We have made ourselves comfortable here, every soldier is in a tent and the horses likewise; we have also established a "Poultry yard, " and get fresh eggs every morning for breakfast. I am still in a tent and shall stay there, as I think for one it is quite as comfortable as a hut. You will be happy to hear that Menschikoff was wounded the other night in the knee, we likewise have taken a swell prisoner, but he will not give his name; some people say he is one of the Princes. Starling, a very clever fellow who was in our Band, and is a Pen and Daguerrotype man, has come out here from the Daguerrotype Society to take views and likenesses of the camp and its inhabitants. I will have one done of our camp and send it home if I can. There is a restaurant established now at Balaklava and a baking establishment, so we are becoming quite a colony here. In fact I do not believe the French will ever leave the country; and with love to yourself and madame, I remain, Your affectionate brother, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, March 22, 1855

Dear Papa, There is a rumour to-day that the English have taken the works round the tower. The French have tried two or three times, and have been driven back every time; but if we really tried last night I do not think we should have failed. Our camp begins to assume a picturesque appearance, some people having gone as far as gardens round their tents. Menschikoff is reported dead, and also another general. If there is peace you must have some shirts evening and morning ready for me, as I do not expect to see the others again, or not for a very long time. I am glad to hear the Sailor is all right; tell him I do not write to him, because as he is at home he will see this. I am glad he is out of the Calcutta, as I hear his station was or is to be Scotland, a place where there is no honour or glory, and very little amusement to be got. I suppose he will now get into a steamer and go to the Baltic. I will now conclude, and add to-morrow anything I can before the post goes, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin March 23 I hear to-day that the French were driven out of [one of] their batteries, and were obliged to get the 23rd Fusileers to retake it; the latter, according to report, lost three officers. To-day I also hear the Infantry are ordered to sleep all day and be ready for business at night. All this is a sham [shave] , as we call it, but I though I would put it in, as the post is just going, and it may be true. The papers are well worth the money. Tell Byfield to send them regularly. At my present rate of living I spend very little more than my pay, barring uniforms and things I get in England. I forget if I mentioned a collar-chain, sheep skin and white cap, in my list of necessaries. The weather is very hot here now. Sheffield is Colonel Trollope's Aide. I have just heard that the sham [shave] is true. We lost four officers, and one Engineer officer. They took our trenches, but Colonel Yea of the 7th Fusileers, not the 23rd, went down and turned them out.

Balaklava, April 2nd, 1855

Dear Papa, I write you one line to-day. I have just received your letter, with the sketch of the interesting officers of the 4th [A caricature out of Punch of recruits offering themselves to the recruiting sergeant of the 4th] ; also to say that this morning about 12 o'clock I received an order to pack up my baggage and go down to Scutari to-night, to join the depôt coming out from England. I suppose I shall be there about three weeks. You had better send letters to Balaklava as usual, as by the time you get back to the Crimea. I have lost the greater part of the kit I meant to send home, but I may find it again some day, especially as I can ask Ede where it is now I am going to Constantinople. The articles missing are the portmanteau and a box I left at Ede's when we went to Varna. If I do not find them I think I shall come down upon Ede, as I never authorized him to send them. The stove too I shall never see again, as I leave it behind me in the Crimea. I will write to the aunts and others when I can find time. Tell Philip, Vann was George Brown's servant, and that he died at Varna. In great haste, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari Barracks, April 9th, 1855

Dear Mama, I write you a line to say I am safely landed at Scutari in a moderately comfortable house, and with nothing to do. We remain here till the drafts come out, but as they had not started on the 19th we shall probably be here a long time with nothing to do. I was very sorry to leave the Crimea, as never having been ill I should have liked to have said I saw it all through; and likewise, if they take the town while I am away, I lose the medal. By a strange coincidence, Robertson is one of the subalterns sent by the Royal Dragoons. We certainly did not expect, when we were at Eton, to be quartered together at Scutari in the same room. When did the Vestal sail? as I have not yet received the parcel you sent in her, and the forage cap I want. I shall not have an opportunity of going at Ede about losing my box full of gold belts, &c. The sick down here are rather stronger and better than the men at the front. I had not time to see Charles before I started, but he was very well the last time I saw him. I shall not want the tunic just yet, but you can tell Rich to send it if the others have theirs. I am not in great want of the overhalls; but if he makes me any, tell him to leather them up to the knee, and make them broad at the top of the leg, and small at the foot, as the French overhalls are made, only not quite so exaggerated as they are. I will write again soon, and remain with love to all, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari Barracks, April 19th, 1855

Dear Mama, I enclose you a cheque for £50, which I think was the amount of the bills, but I have lost the slip of paper, and am therefore not quite certain. I have found out from Ede that he has lost the large packet of things I left here on my way to Varna, including my gold belts and mess waistcoat; rather a bore. He was sending them up to me at Balaklava without an order, and the lighter upset, so they are now at the bottom of the Bosphorus, a nuisance, as it will cost me money when I return to England. After all, the horses are not to be landed here, so we have had our journey for nothing. The sheep-skin you are sending is the full-dress one, and no use here, but you could not know that. I do not know if it is Byfield's fault or my Regiment's, but I never get my papers here; but I have no doubt they keep them with the Regiment to read. Will you look, the first time you are in London, at my account at Hoare's, and see if there is a cheque come in, dated about the 23rd of October. It was one I gave to Halkett for £15, and I am afraid he had it in his pocket when he was killed; if so, the Cossacks have got it, and it will not be of much use to them; if it has not come in, will you find out Mrs. Halkett's address from Ridgway, and I will send her another. I cannot now inquire whether Harris is dead or not, but I saw in the paper that one corporal was dead, and I conclude it was him. The first time I go round the hospital I will try and find out, although I am afraid there is not much chance, as they do not seem to know who they have got in the wards. I will send you an address of a Daguerrotype man from whom you can get any amount of copies of your humble servant, in a group of his brother officers; also pictures of the Camp as soon as I return to the Crimea. I hope old Bumble is getting quite strong again. I must write him a letter as soon as I can find something to say. I always forget he is at home; and with love to Fairfax and the rest, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeman Martin.

Scutari Barracks, April 26, 1855

Dear Mama, I have dispatched one box from here by ship Simla, the one I came out in. Mr. Stebbing, the Purser, has taken charge of it for me, and says he will see it safe home and through the Custom House. There are two or three little things in it for the female part of the family, but I could not find anything to suit the male part except chiboukes. Now, as the Governor and Philip do not smoke, they would not be very useful; almost everything else in the bazaar is made in London or Paris, so would be nothing curious. Of course any expense Mr. Stebbing is put to you will repay; his address as far as I know, is Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam ship Simla, Southampton; at all events that will find him. We hear rather bad accounts from the Crimea, but never getting our papers here we are rather in the dark as to general news. Opinions are divided about the Light Cavalry charge, but we must wait to hear Lord Raglan before it is possible to decide. I am going to give Cornwallis a line, so will put the rest of the news into his letter, and with love to all, I remain, I affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari Barracks, May 5th, 1855

Dear Mama, Not having heard from you for the last two or three mails, I conclude some of your letters have miscarried, owing to my being down at this hole. I do not know if it is the fault of Byfield or the Postmaster here, but I have only received one newspaper last month. I got my canteen and things out of the Argo, but I have not got the forage cap yet. I suppose it is at Balaklava. Did it not come out in the Vestal? I suppose by the time you get this you will be thinking of going to London. It was about this time last year that we were leaving Canterbury never expecting that we should have passed the next six months in this country. They do not seem to me to be making half enough effort to get out a Cavalry force here in time to be of any use for this year's Campaign. Were you in London to see the reception given to the Emperor and Empress of the French? We see by the papers it was something superior. Sir Thomas Whichcote is here with his yacht, but I have not been able to drop across him yet. It is becoming quite the fashion to come out here as a show. I have met a good many men and some ladies; in fact, it will be a perfect Chobham next summer I believe, with the exception that there were no bullets at Chobham. I have nothing to tell you, and so will say good bye. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, May 16th, 1855

Dear Mama, I have arrived here safe and sound again, and find it very hot. We had a field-day this morning, and eight men went into hospital with slight coup de soleil immediately after. The box I sent you by the Simla contains clothing for the winter, which I shall probably want again next winter if I am here. Will you tell Byfield that he only sends me the latest papers instead of all. It will be better to have them sent by Smith, as his are the only ones that come regularly. The Sardinians have arrived and appear to be very good troops, and are certainly well mounted and equipped for service. I saw Colonel Dundas the other day, but have not see the others. They talk of a Campaign in the interior, but I think they have let the time go by, as the heat is too great; and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, May 25th, 1855

Dear Papa, There has been a large reconnaisance this morning which started at 3 o'clock a. m. I went with it as an amateur, as it consisted chiefly of French and Sardinians and Turks. We have succeeded in establishing outselves on the Tchernaia, and late this evening we received an order to hold ourselves in readiness to turn out at 6 o; clock, which looks as if they meant to take the heights by Mackenzie's Farm; it will be rather a tough job, I fancy. So as I was up all last night I must take a wink or two, or I shall get none at all, therefore my letter will be short. I received all your letters to-day dated the 11th of May. The cheque for Mrs. Halket appears all right, but if you could find out her address you might write and ask her.

I went over the Balaklava plain this morning for the first time since the battle; except for a few skeletons of dead horses you would never know there had been a shot fired there.

Will you send out with my tunic and overhalls (leathered up to the knee like the others) my gold belts, likewise get Rich to buy me a second hand silver pouch, as mine went to the bottom of the Bosphorus. If he cannot get an old one he must send a new one; also I want a new regimental bridle according to the new pattern, but I am not in a violent hurry for that. I have no time for more, with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

P.S. Tell the others I will answer their letters when I come back from the fight.

Balaklava, June 8th, 1855

Dear Mama, There was a partial assault of the town last night. I went up to witness it; the French took the Mamelon, and, not content with that, rushed on at the Malakoff Tower without the proper means of taking it, consequently they suffered enormous loss, and have not taken it (between 3 and 4000); at the same time we attacked the Quarry in front of the Redan, and I am afraid we have lost 1300 men and 34 officers; however, you will know the true state of the case before I do. Charles Trollope was commanding his Brigade in the attack, but up to the time I left he was all right. Will you pay into the hands of John Friend, at Mr. William Eliots, Holyshute House, Exeter, Honiton, £20, the savings of his brother out here. His brother will write and tell him what he wants done with it. I recommend him to put it in some bank. I am going up to the front to hear the truth of everything, and if anything is wrong with Charles I will open my letter and let you know. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, June 28th, 1855

Dear Papa, I think you are quite right about Mrs. Halket's cheque, as it seems pretty clear that she received it, as I did not draw any other cheque for that amount at that time. By this time you will have heard of Lord Raglan's death, which we are all very sorry for; he will be a great loss to the army, and I do not know where the will find a better man, his death will defer my getting my Troop for a little while, as they will not have time to attend to such small things till they have got things a little straight. The army has had a great blow - Six Generals hors de combat in one week, three of which are dead. It is awfully dull work here now, and the army are rather down in their luck, what with the loss of Generals, their failure in the attack and the cholera also. We know we are in for another winter here, which is not a lively prospect; you might send me out another parcel of books, only tell Bain to let them be good ones, new novels, or something of that sort are the only things read here, as we are not in a humour for serious things. Charles Trollope was very well the last time I saw him, he had behaved very well in the Trenches, I hear, during the first attack. I have nothing more to say, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, July 2nd, 1855

Dear Maria, I have not written to you to condole with you on your illness. I would have written sooner, only the last two mails I have been busy with money transactions and making arrangements for my Troop. Will you tell Papa to keep copies of the letters I sent him in case they are wanted. They talk of sending us out to the Baidar Valley; but I hope they will not, as the 10th are there now and are losing men and officers daily by cholera, although we have got it here also, it is not quite so bad, and we escape pickets and skirmishes with the Cossacks. I hear Lady Augusta is going to be married this month to Mostyn, who was at my tutor's. The army here is all at sixes and sevens, and nothing done now that we are without a head. Tell Cornwallis I will give him an epistle next mail, but now they go so quick I cannot find news for all by every one. When does he go to the Baltic? Hoping you will be quite well and strong by the time you get this, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate brother, F Wykeham Martin.

Baidar Valley, July 25th, 1855

Dear Papa, I conclude my Troop business has gone all right, as I have not received any letter from Hoare or Hopkinson. As you see by the heading of my letter, I am not out beyond Baidar. I was sent here at a minute's notice, owing to Marshall's being taken sick. We went out for a reconnaissance fourteen miles beyond here yesterday, the country was most beautiful, but we saw no Russians; we got some coffee at a Count's house, he had only left two hours before for Simferopol. We saw him afterwards about two miles ahead, but as we did not want him we let him go on. I have received Maria's letters and many thanks. I should have written to some of you before, only owing to this march I have not had time; will you tell this to Philip. I am sorry to say the last time I was on picket, I lost my sabretasche, with the silver fork and spoon I took from England in it; it was buckled with two straps to the saddle, so that I am afraid that some man of the picket must have taken a fancy to it and taken it off. I know I had two convicted thieves on picket with me at the time, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin P.S. I am afraid with these new appointments Charles Trollope will lose his Brigade; in fact he has, only he may get another.

Baidar Valley, August 2nd, 1855

Dear Mama, We are still here, but expect to go in daily. I am sorry to say that since I last wrote to you I have been bad with Crimean fever, and am still not well, although considerably better. It is unlucky having it out here as we are so far from any luxuries; also I miss all the excursions that our fellows are making almost daily: to-morrow they are going to seize a quantity of champagne, we have already taken one batch, but I have not been able to taste it. I expect if the whole of us are not sent in soon I shall be sent in by myself. The report here is that the whole of the Cavalry go to Egypt for the winter, and that they are going to give short leaves to Officers who have been out all the time. There is some hitch I hear about my promotion; the Horse Guards will not give Molyneux all the money, as he has not served long enough, and having got one step without purchase, consequently he will probably want more of me, but I have not heard from him yet. Will you well Philip I will write to him as soon as I get better. By the bye, was my money ever sold out of the funds? as Hoare's people have never written to me, so I do not know if they ever got the letter; if they have not, I shall be in a mess. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

P.S. - I have just received your letter of the 20th. I wanted you to pay the whole £20 to keep for his brother, the parents as far as I know were not to have any. Friend says he can trust Elliot, so that we have no more to do with it except getting a receipt from him, and tell him to write to Friend and say he has got it.

Baidar, Thursday Evening, August 6th, 1855

Dear Mama, I am sorry to say I cannot issue a very favourable bulletin this time, as I am not much better than when I last wrote to you. I cannot get any appetite, and eat nothing, otherwise I think I should do very well. We, that is the party I am with, not myself, have been out several times on plundering expeditions, chiefly to bring in a quantity of Russian champagne from a chateau about ten miles off. I am sorry to say that the privates were not content with this, but stripped the church of all the French had left, and you may see a gallant Hussar swelling it in the Priest's robes about the camp; some of the things taken were very good, but I was not lucky enough to get any not being on the spot, the remainder was quite rubbish, tables, odd volumes of books, etc. The last time they went down some Greek Infantry fired into them, and wounded two of the Land Transport, and killed two mules. I have no more to say, and hoping that you are all well as I hope to be soon, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Transport Belgravia, August 18th, 1855

Dear Mama, I write you one line for fear you should think I was dead, to tell you that I am alive, and owing to sea air quite recovered. However I stay here for ten days more. The French and Sardinians have had a fight on the Tchernaia, but I have not heard the particulars yet, except that the Russians were licked. Our Cavalry were there but were not engaged, which I am very glad of as I was not there; they expect they will come on in a day or two, but if they do they will get licked again. I hope to be off the ship before that takes place. I do not see my name in the Gazette, I cannot think what Charley Molyneux is about; I see his uncle, Lord Sefton, is dead, it will be a great loss to him, and will not I am afraid induce him to lose any more money selling out. I must now conclude as I am afraid I am late already. Tell Aunt Fanny I will answer her letter by the earliest opportunity. I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, August 31st, 1855

Dear Mama, I have again rejoined my Regiment in a perfect state of preservation, and hope I shall continue so. I have just had my servant in and received his wishes touching the £20. He wants it all paid to his brother at Mr. Elliot's, as he has given him directions to allow his father and mother at the rate of 6s. a week; the two brothers keep the old couple between them, so it will not do to give them £5 at a time or they will spend it too quick, but by giving it to the brother he will arrange it. Now for my own affairs, I want two new India-rubber tubs, one small for a wash-hand basin, and one large for a tub; but get them both at some India-rubber shop like Macintosh's; also, when you send Friend's things, you can send the thick regimental jacket I sent home from Scutari with them. My epistle is exceedingly egotistical, but you must excuse it on the plea of its being a business letter. I have received Cornwallis's letter and the papers describing the capture of Sweaborg. It is expected here that war will be over in six months time from now, as they have got news from Russia by spies in the highest circles, that she is nearly done up, the enormous thrashing they got at the Tchernaia will keep them quiet for some time. I hear Ralph Nevill is going to follow his sister's example and take a wife, is it true? I forgot to add a pair of regimental spurs to my other boots. Will you tell me how much I owe you, including the £20, as it and Rich's bill will make a difference in my balance. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, August 31st, 1855

Dear Philip, My excuse for not writing before must be that I have had fever, and for a fortnight eat nothing, living in a bell tent in the middle of a plain, with the thermometer at 97 in the shade. I was nearly grilled to death; however, I am all right now. I am sorry to say that the other day the French had a frightful accident, they were passing powder into a magazine, when a shell came from the Malakoff and blew them all up, killing 400, at least that is the report. Many people out here believe that the war will be over in six months. I for one do not think the Russians can hold out much longer. I am sorry to hear you have grown so fat, it is bad to have too much flesh when young; you had better come here, as this country is warranted to make even a Billy Williams a skeleton in a month. Remember me to Madame, and box the youngster's ears, as I shall have to do it some day, and as it is well to begin young, and with love to all, Your affectionate brother, Fiennes Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, Sept. 6th, 1855

Dear Mama, In your preparations for my winter kit, whatever you do do not leather my overhalls that are at home, as I have plenty here leathered, and they will not be received soon, and are my ball overhalls, and much too thin for winter. There is still some talk of our going to Egypt, I wish they would let us know, as one does not know what to order, as at Alexandria you would require civilised things, it being rather a swell town. You will be sorry to hear that Ross, Mrs. Whatman's brother, has been killed or taken prisoner. They say he turned out a very good officer, and the men had more confidence in him than almost any other officer in the regiment. Tell Maria I do not write to her as I consider this letter does for all, as I cannot make news enough for two. After all it makes very little difference who it is addressed to. I am glad Cornwallis was in time for Sweaborg. Last night they burnt one of the Russian ships. General Bosquet gave the gunners who fired the gun 100 francs; I hope they will repeat the operation to-night. We are awfully worked now; they turn us out every night at three o'clock, which entails the men getting up at two, and keep us standing to our horses till it gets quite light. We hardly get any sleep at all. We only have two subs for duty, myself and Weatherley. I must now conclude, with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin I should like some preserved soup if we stay here, a large quantity, and some knives, spoons, and forks, (common ones); also some cartridges all ready for use; Denby and Adams' large size pistol; they are made up in copper cans.

Balaklava, Sept. 16th, 1855

Dear Mama, I have not written to you since we have had the luck to take this place (by a fluke be it said. ) I went over it to-day, and you never saw such a wreck as it is. There is literally not one stone on another, not one single entire house in the whole place. The officers of the Infantry behaved nobly. They say we all take the field in two or three days. I think it utter madness, as they say it will take 10,000 men to take the Mackenzie heights, which is a greater proportion than were killed at Sevastopol. They say we are to go to Scutari the first week in November. The telegraph order has come, but everything is so uncertain here, that I think you had better send the things I mentioned in my last letter, and my servant's things, at once, and I will manage with them. I have no time for more, and hoping this will reach you before you start for Paris, and that you will all enjoy the trip very much; also tell Maria to be sure and remember me to Miss Boger when she sees her next, and say that I asked after her. I remain, your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Balaklava, Sept. 30, 1855

Dear Mama, I hope you have enjoyed your trip to Paris, and liked the Exhibition. I conclude I shall have a full account of it in your next year. You will see by the papers that poor Marshall of my regiment has died of fever and dysentery. Rather bad luck for me that my promotion was not delayed another fortnight; however, I do not much care, as I should not have liked getting his troop, as he was a great friend of mine; and also, if I sell out any time soon, they would not have given more than £300 or £400 for it. I am sorry to say I do not see the slightest chance of getting home this winter now; as senior Lieutenant I should have been sure of it, but as junior Captain I am certain to lose it. We go away from here about the middle of next month. I asked you in my last to send me out my warm jacket and servant's clothes. I do not know anything else that I want. Cuff, or whoever you ordered the regimental bridle of, has sent it, and a good deal more saddlery than I ordered to the value of £8; also, now that the head collar has come, it is the wrong pattern, therefore I should not be allowed to wear it. I am going to send it back. If you ordered it, of course I must pay for it. Hoping you are quite well after your arduous campaign at Paris, and with my love, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Philip tells me Papa is standing for Maidstone, and himself for Rochester. His letter was very amusing, telling me of the squibs placarded about the Governor and himself. I forgot to say, tell me what I owe you.

Balaklava, October 6th, 1855

Dear Mama, We are off again for a Campaign somewhere, but we do not know where, we suppose Eupatoria. It is rather a bore, as this is not exactly the weather for it, and also we had all made up our minds to winter at Scutari, where I have no doubt we shall go when this is over; one expedition has already sailed for Kilburn. We may perhaps be going to join them, but it is more probable that there is going to be one combined movement to hem the Russians in. Another great bore is, that one will most likely lose all one's kit, as we did when we embarked from Varna, and then we shall be uncomfortable all the winter as we were last year. I am glad you all enjoyed yourselves so well in Paris. I wish I could have been with you, although you did not get beds at Folkestone, I dare say for once I could have tried to sleep on the floor. You must not expect any letters from me just yet, as for the next month we shall be birds of passage, but I will write if I can, and do not get bowled over by a Cossack. I must write to Ralph Nevill the first opportunity as I have never written to him since his sister's marriage, and hoping you are all well and that the governor, Philip and Fairfax, will all get through their trials, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari Barracks, December 9th, 1855

Dear Mama, I write by this post to ask you to invest my surplus revenue, with the exception of £300 which I may want here at Scutari, and to pay you and to buy a horse. Will you pay up every thing I owe in England (telling Philip to let me know what I owe him) including Hamburger's bill, Cuff's, Smith's, Byfield's, Baines' and everything you may know of that I do not. In the former letter you received last mail, you will know there are some articles which I sent back, and you can tell him to scratch them out of the bill. Among my wants are two new girths for a plain saddle, one for a regimental ditto, which if you are quick, can come out with a head collar I have ordered at Cuff's, also, I think a new plain double reined bridle and a snaffle will quite set up my stable again. The portable soups you sent in the last package were very good and just came in the nick of time, but they are not what I wanted, as they would be no use in a campaign, the next time you send them let them be the same as the first, in bladders; I have got the tubs all safe. Have you ever received the box by the Bucephalus? it has gone past here some time. Another dozen 1s. novels would help me to get through the time at this stupid place. I consider this quite a business letter. I am glad to hear Fairfax is likely to prove a light to lighten the Gentiles, [this alludes to Fairfax having taken a high place on entering Eton, having got into the Remove, the highest place he could take] and also that Cornwallis has come safe home. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari, December 16th, 1855

Dear Mama, I have not written to you since I left Balaklava, as there was no regular mail, and the letters that were sent from there never reached, also we have lost several mails. I send the saddlery back to Cuff's, but have since heard from him to say that he was not the man who made it. I see by your letter that Hamburger was, so will you get it from Cuff when it arrives, as also the letter I sent with it, as I have no idea of paying £8 for things I do not want and are not regimental. I have also heard from Hamburger that the gold belts he sent me were by Papa's order second hand, and that Papa told him if they were nearly the same they would do; if he did so it was a great mistake, as our present Colonel is more particular than Lord George and will not let you wear a thing that is not strictly regimental, consequently they are no use. Eupatoria was a most disagreeable place, they kept us there for six weeks with scarcely any clothes, and the Thermometer at 14, in fact we were worse off than we were last year at Balaklava, as we had no money, and if we had there was nothing to be bought; when we first went there it was on the contrary very hot; we were sent a three days patrol into the country and were forty-one hours without any water, and when we did get a little it was so brackish and filthy that it was all we could do to drink it. General d'Allonville, the French General we were under, is a first rate man and would never get you into a scrape. I hope we shall be under him next year again; he has asked for us. Will you pay all my bills and sell my charger, as it is waste of money keeping him, especially as I shall have to buy another (which he will help to pay for) now that we have a Colonel with different ideas from Lord George. Direct my letters to Scutari, and papers, as I shall get them quicker. I have got the things, but unfortunately, through the carelessness of the people who brought them from Balaklava, the box was broken and the mice eat my servant's coat. Our people are all going home on leave, but being the junior Captain I shall not be able to come. I hate this place worse than Balaklava, as they seem determined to make us as uncomfortable as possible. I shall write again soon, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin

Scutari, December 30th, 1855

Dear Mama, I am just going to add a few supplementary articles that I am in want of to those I have already sent. Six pillow cases, one pair hunting spurs, six flannel shirts, of a dark color, (black and white check is very good); these things I hope to have out with the others I wrote for last mail, also two plain saddle pads, to be got at Gardner's, if I did not order them in my last. They have never sent my head collars for my regimental bit, you can send it with the other things; also I hope you have heard from Hamburger about the returned saddlery. I also want Marsh to make me a pair of butcher boots, that is to say top boots without the tops. I am ashamed to say I have not yet got your table cover, but will do so soon, also the article you wish for to hold work, its proper use is to carry tobacco in. There are beautiful dresses to be bought here if you like, but I do not know that I could get them any cheaper than you do in England. I suppose by this time you have got the Sailor home; I see he gets a medal and one clasp for Sweaborg. There is a report out here that Omar Pasha and his army are cut to pieces, but I don't believe it. And now wishing you a happy new year and many of them, and with love to all, I remain, your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari Barracks, Jan. 9th, 1856

Dear Mama, I was truly sorry to hear of poor Lady Trollope's death, and can imagine how much you must feel on the melancholy occasion. I can only say that I have lost one of the best and kindest friends I ever had or am likely to have in this world; I always looked on Cumberland Place as one of my homes, she always treated me more as a son than anything else, I have often thought since I have been out here of the many days I have spent at her house, and I sincerely regret that it has not been my lot to return once more to thank her for her many kindnesses to myself and the rest of us. All her children must I am sure be very much affected by her death, but I do not think they can feel more than I do; as with the exception of my more immediate relations I loved her more than any one else on earth. However at her age it was only what we must all come to, and I only hope I may play as good a part on this earth as she has done. Poor Laura, I am sure she must feel it, if anything, more than you do, as she has been her constant companion more, lately, than you have. I hope you are quite well after this shock? I suppose by this time you have had a visit from Cornwallis, tell him I have received his letter, and am very glad to see he is appointed to a Gun-boat, as it was his wish, although I hear from sailors here they ae very uncomfortable things. Hoping that the rest are all well, and with love to all, I remain, you affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

P.S. I have got your table cover and will send it the first opportunity.

Scutari, Jan. 22, 1856

Dear Mama, I hope you are over all your troubles by this time, and have, I suppose, returned to Leeds. We have just received the telegraphic despatch to say that peace is proclaimed, but we hardly believe it to be true; if it is, I suppose I shall soon be coming home. I forget if I mentioned in my last letter that I wanted a new sheepskin instead of the one you sent me out before, which belongs to my Shabraque. There is a ball at the Embassy on the 30th, to which I intend going. I went to a Soirée there the other day, but there is an awful scarcity of ladies. At present I cannot do any thing in the amusement line, as George Brown is sick, and Monckton has gone on leave, so I am left to look after Her Majesty's 4th Light: however, I think the former will be all right in a day or two. I have sent you two table covers and four bags by Bryne, our V. S., the latter are not what you wanted, but I will get you what you want the first time I go into the Bazaar. These were got for me by a friend living at Pera, those you do not want you can give to any one you like. With love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari Barracks, Jan. 30th, 1856

Dear Papa, The items in Hamburger's bill that I object to pay for are the crupper head collar, head stall straps, shoe cases, and pockets for nails, all of which I returned. He has charged £7 3s 6d for the lot, which includes a regimental bridle, which I have kept, therefore he must deduct the price of the articles I have returned, also he must take off a heavy per centage on the whole, according to a previous engagement with Rich, who, to save himself the trouble of making out half-yearly bills, agreed to do so. I see also he has considerably raised his price in gold lace overhalls, of which you can remind him. I see by the papers it is going to be peace, and that we are to return home; if so, you need not send out the articles I have ordered unless you have already done so. Have you sent any parcels by the Harbinger? as if you have all the directions are rubbed off, and they do not know who to deliver them to, so that unless you let me know I shall not be able to claim them. In regard to the charger, I think if it is decidedly peace you may as well keep it; if not, get it into condition, and when you go to London either sell it to a dealer for as much as you can get, or put it up at Tattersall's as the charger of an officer gone to the Crimea, who has no further use for it. Hoping that Mama and Fairfax have got all right again by this time, and that the latter will enjoy his little extra holiday, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari Barracks, March 8th, 1856

Dear Mama, I am sorry to say I did not see the box containing my things sent home in the Bucephalus myself. The only things that I know ought to be there and are not in your list are a new pouch belt (gold) and a quantity of shirts; there was also, I think, a suit of plain clothes, but I am not sure that they were not in the portmanteau, which has never turned up; it was on board the Pelican, but unfortunately I twice missed her at Balaklava harbour, and since then she has been home, so what she did with the portmanteau I do not know. She is a new steamer belonging, I think, to the South American line; it was put on board this time or a little earlier last year. As I have lost all my shirts, it would be as well to have some made in case I come home, only take care to have them made with the wristbands doubled back to fasten with studs. Nichols and Housely would know the latest fashion, although they are rather dear. I have no news, and so must conclude, with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

I have made inquiries about Harris, but his Regiment is not here, so that I may not succeed in case they do not answer; the easiest way is to write to the Adjutant explaining the case, and he will send back the man's number or get the medal for you as he ought to have done before.

Scutari Barracks, March 17th, 1856

Dear Mama, I have succeeded in getting Corporal Harris's number from a Serjeant of the 8th Hussars, who is employed on the Staff; it is No. 1259; he died on the 23rd of February, 1855; but at the same time I do not think the father will be able to get the medal yet, as they have not nearly distributed them to the living claimants. You have never told me what ship you sent the plain saddle in; it has never turned up here, so I think it is just possible you may have been in time to stop it. I sent your bags by post, and hope they will arrive safe. We are all on the look out for peace here. We expect the telegraph every day; but they seem very slow about these conferences. I hope Hutton is ordered out. I must now say good bye, as I have no news or time for more. I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari, April 3rd, 1856

Dear Mama, Peace is at last declared, so that we shall be coming home very soon. Do not forget to order my shirts, so that I may be able to make an appearance when I get there. I think you did not send my evening ones. I shall have a great outlay to make, the great item being two new chargers. Robertson has just come back here, and so I have of course heard a good deal of English news from him. The Turks and French made a tremendous noise here the day peace was proclaimed; they fired away powder enough to last a bombardment. Is there anything else I can do for you here, as by the time I get an answer we shall be on the move? I have got an answer to a letter I wrote to Hoare's, so Papa can pay up all the bills. I will write again soon, when I know what is going to happen, and with love to all, and hoping soon to see you, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari, April 21st, 1856

Dear Mama, I hope you have got my shirts under weigh, as in all probability I shall be starting in a few days. I do not think there were any Regimentals in the box, except a pouch and sword belt. I do not know what plain clothes you put in, but I hope not my best evening coat or the frock. Lord George Paget has asked me to come home with him and Lady George by Athens; but I do not know if I shall or not. You may as well get my charger into condition, as then I shall be able to sell him, if Colonel Lowe will not pass him, which is likely, as he wants every body to get new ones. Philip is going to have Toby back again, and my mare I shall turn out in the Park, or let you have the use of her for quiet work, in place of the old grey, who I do not think will do much more. I am bringing home, if possible, a little Arab pony for Fairfax; if he has grown too big for it we can sell it. I do not know yet where we go to, but will write again if I can find out. We only bring home about fifty horses, the rest we sell to the Turkish Government. Hoping you are all well, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Scutari, May 4th, 1856

Dear Mama, I write you a line to caution you not to send my things to whatever station the Regiment may go to when it reaches England, till you hear from me, as I do not go with it, owing to my being Aide-de-Camp. I have to remain here with Paget, till the rest of the Brigade come home; it may be to-morrow, or not for three months. The Regiment sailed to-day. When I do come home I shall probably come to London first, and then have to join my Regiment, till I can get leave, which will take at least a week or a fortnight; and then I hope to join you for some time. Tell Philip to hold his hands about buying horses for me, as our present Colonel is very particular. What is Charles Trollope going to do now that his Regiment is ordered to Canada? Will he sell out, or take his chance of being made a Major-General? I have never heard from him since I left the Crimea. I will attend to your order as shopman about the bags, if I have time only, and I will vary the patterns, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin

Scutari, May 12th, 1856 Dear Mama, I find I shall be home sooner than I said in my last letter, although I do not know exactly the day. Will you tell Marsh to have a pair of regimental boots (Wellingtons) not too thick, and also a pair of button boots for plain clothes also made thin for summer, ready for me at Cumberland Place. As this will probably be one of my last letters I shall write, I may as well tell you that I shall certainly come up to London first on landing, and go down to my Regiment next day and try and get leave; if they do not give it me at once, I shall be sure to get it soon. I find Lady George an exceedingly nice person, and she has made me excessively comfortable since I have come to live in her house. I find even out here the difference between bachelors and a married establishment so great that it is quite an inducement to get married. Hoping to see you all soon, and with love to all, I remain, Your affectionate son, F. Wykeham Martin.

Fiennes Wykeham Martin The Stuff of Fiennes Wykeham Martin 4LD, Crimean War 4th Light Dragoons Index: Shadows Homepage:

460 Martin Fiennes Wykeham

See Crider p.90-1

MARTIN ACCOUNT fr CRIDER

Also in old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"p. 50 [50]

Source: Letter written October 27, 1854 to his mother, from Letters from the Crimea, by Mrs. Wykeham Martin, privately printed, 1868.

"Dear Mama, I write to you to allay any fears you may have about me, as you will see by the Times that the Light Cavalry Brigade were let into a sort of Chillianwallah trap and cut to pieces. It is unfortunately too true; I am one of the lucky ones who escaped, although our regiment and the 11th Hussars went further than any into the gorge. The facts of the case are these. Lately the Cavalry have had nothing to do but guard Balaklava, and keep the communication open between it and Sevastopol, and have not been disturbed by the enemy except in occasional skirmishes with the pickets and videttes, when suddenly the other morning at day-break they made an attack on a line of small forts kept by the Turks in front of our position. The Cavalry, who were all out and mounted for the usual morning parade, that we always have an hour or two before daybreak, so as to be ready for any attack, went immediately to their support, with a troop of Horse Artillery; but could you believe it, the Turks left all the forts, some even before they were fired; the consequence was a swarm of Cavalry made a dash into Balaklava itself, but they were met on the left by the 93rd Highlanders, who are not in the habit of running away like the Turks, and sent back minus a few men, and on the right by the Heavy Cavalry, who likewise sent them to the right about, the Light Brigade being too far to the left to be able to pursue. This was a mistake, and now comes the melancholy part of my story. The Light Brigade were ordered to the front, and Nolan, "my friend, " brought an order for us to attack them down a long valley they had retreated into; now to understand why we did this rash and stupid act. you must know that lately there has been some stupid chaff about the Cavalry being afraid of the Cossacks, and Nolan had made some remarks about it to Lord Lucan, he is rather suspected, as he was the man sent to make the reconnaissance before we attacked, of having misrepresented to Lord Raglan the nature of the ground and the position of the enemy. Well, the Light Brigade advanced at a trot, and had not gone a hundred yards before we got into a shower of grape shot bullets, round shot, and in fact every kind of missile from both sides of the valley. the enemy having got a battery on each side. and two or three regiments of sharp-shooters in bushes. The consequence was we were enfiladed for half a mile by the hottest fire possible at about 30 or 40 yards distance. Nevertheless we passed on. got beyond their fire. and captured some guns and drove back their Cavalry. But by this time we found ourselves completely cut off from our army. about 90 of the Brigade left with a swarm of Cavalry in our front. a regiment of Russian Lancers in our rear, and all the fire to undergo again. Well the only thing to do was to get the debris together, and go at them with all our might, and cut our way back, which some of us succeeded in doing, but when we got back, we found there were only 190 left out of 700 that went into action. Poor Halkett and Sparke are among the missing; Hutton was shot through both legs and in the back, but will recover I think. We are now a perfect skeleton of a regiment, only having 50 left. and are therefore useless. WE live in the hope of being sent home to recruit up again and being sent out again in the spring, but I am afraid they will hardly do that. Poor Nolan was shot the first ball. It is quite melancholy to see the Brigade turn out, the whole being no larger than a regiment was before. The 13th Hussars suffered most, having only 28 men left. REDACTED: speculation on future events and personal matters.

535 OLLEY, James

OLLEY ACCOUNT - REF TO ANSWERS MAGAZINE 26 October 1912http: //www. nam. ac. uk/inventory/objects/results. php?shortDescription=&event=&campaign=&associatedName=&unit=7th%20hussars&placeNotes=&productionNotes=&keyword=&flag=1&page=183 Photocopy of 'Answers' supplement, 26 October 1912 (c) and photocopy of newspaper article, 1913; associated with James Olley and the 8th Hussars, 4th Queens Own Light Dragoons, 13th Light Dragoons, 17th Light Dragoons (Lancers) and 11th (Prince Alberts) Hussars; associated with the Charge of the Light Brigade, Crimean War (1854-1856).

PB: I think it says there's a copy in the archive (see his page)

OLLEY REFS TO FOLLOW UP

See: "Fakenham and Dereham Times", January 1888 for an account of OLLEY. "Answers" magazine, 26th October 1912 for portrait and short account.

536 OLLEY, James

From THE BALACLAVA HEROES /THEIR IMPRESSIONS OF THE JUBILEE/ CHATS ABOUT THEIR CAREERS. London Daily News 25 June 1897. doc "THE BALACLAVA HEROES London Daily News 25 June 1897. doc"Samuel Brown 4LD, James Olley, David Grantham, John Whitehead, Shepherd, Warr, Monepenny, Briggs, Palim [Palin] , William Cullen

JAMES OLLEY, WITH ONE EYE. The next hero - as, indeed, all the others - wore ordinary, unremarkable clothes. James Olley by name, he lives at Holt, in Norfolk, and has but one eye. "Been a horse-trainer ever since the Crimea - a horse-trainer for gentlemen. I was in the 4th Light Dragoons, and got wounded in the Charge. Left eye shot out, sword cut across the forehead, lance wound on the ribs, another at the back of my neck, one on the foot." It was the same with all of them. They felt certain I must want to hear about the fighting. I It was only polite to observe: "You got tolerably knocked about then?" "Yes, and it didn't end with the Crimea. I was kicked by a horse eight months ago - bone of the leg laid bare. Two years before had three ribs broken by a kick." Then rapidly back to the Crimea. "Had a horse shot under me - was invalided four months. "To make sure of changing the subject I inquired: "What is the funniest thing that has ever happened to you in your life?" "Riding in the Charge, " came the instant answer. I tried again, this time more successfully. "What did you think of the show yesterday?""Oh, we had a tremendous reception, and as for Mr. Roberts, he's a real gentleman." "How many of you were there? " "There were seventy at the dinner on Monday. ""And some, I believe, are very badly off?"The poor old fellow came very near to shedding tears. "You may well say that. They told me - they told me! It's a pity, a great pity, " and he sadly shook his head. "As for myself." he added, with some return to cheerfulness, "I mustn't grumble. I've a pension of 1s 2d. a day. "

766 OLLEY, James

From EJBA 4H file VOL 1James OlleyJAMES OLLEY, aged 80, is fairly comfortable in his Norfolk house. He is well enough to come to London this week to the annual Balaclava dinner, and writes as follws of the Charge: "I had not got far on the way when a comrade by my side was killed, and swerved into me as he fell from his horse. A little further on I had my own horse shot under me I caught a loose horse which I mounted and rode on to the guns. Both our own men and the Russians were falling fast, but I rode straight through the guns, when one of the enemy struck at me with a ramrod. But I silenced him. Then another came up, and stabbed me in the thigh. I cut him down, when another struck at me with his sword. I stopped the full force of the blow, but I was cut on the forehead, and my skull-bone cut quite through. I served him as he had intended to serve me, and the joind in the general retreat. Just as I had got through the guns on the return journey my left eye was shot out. I did not know much of what went on afterwards. "Ends with a signature.

See also OLLEY ACCOUNT - REF TO ANSWERS MAGAZINE 26 October 1912 [fr Crider 3rd edn pp. 97-8: Courtesy Glenn Fisher & Paul Burns]

793 OLLEY, James

Dutton 2nd ed. p74 includes sev bits FOLLOW UP

817 OLLEY, James

Steve Benson and Richard Jefferson, Old Balaclava: Private James Olley, Norfolk Survivor of the Charge of the Light Brigade, privately published 2016

Their transcription of the Dereham and Fakenham Times article, 14 January 1888. Page numbers refer to their book.

OLLEY DESCRIBES THE CHARGE

And so there appeared a lengthy article in the Dereham and Pakenham Times on 14th January 1888 containing Olleys story, in his own words, of his part in the Crimean War and in the Charge of the Light Brigade:

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Landing in the Crimea, the first shot fired

Our regiment landed at Varna, where we stayed for a time. From Varna we went to a landing-place in the Crimea - I think it was Eupateria [Eupatoria], a place which had a level beach and no village.

I have been thinking and I believe I can claim to be the first man who fired a shot on Russian territory. I will tell you how it happened. It was the second night after we had landed. We had shifted a little nigher Sebastopol. I was put on picket with a man called Brown. That night we heard the clinking of horses bits some distance from us. I said to Brown, 'Theres someone. We listened and heard the noise again. I said to Brown, That certainly is the enemy to the right of us.  We remained still, and after a while we heard horses champing their bits. Seeing somebody

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advance - there appeared to be three mounted men - I said to Brown, Hold my horse, and then I levelled and fired. I believe that was the first shot fired, but I dont know whether anyone was hit. If anyone was hit no one fell, for the men appeared to retire directly. Brown rode in and brought up the picket. We all advanced about half a mile but did not see anything, although we hunted about.

The March to the Alma

Four days after we landed we marched about 14 miles, and then we halted about a mile from the heights of Alma. The 4 Light Dragoons acted as reserve for the artillery. I saw the Duke of Cambridge leading on his men, the Guards. When we got to the waters edge the wounded were brought back. We took prisoner a Russian general who had been wounded in the action. I heard him talking (English) to some of our officers. He said, We knew you had good men and brave soldiers to fight against; but they were more like devils today - there was no turning them. That is what I heard as I stood on the heights of Alma.

The Battle of Balaclava and the Charge of the Heavy Brigade

After the Battle of the Alma we marched through a wood and along a valley, and got round the town of Sebastopol, so that we had Balaclava on our left and Sebastopol on our right. Our regiment on the 25" October 1854 was lying on the plain of Balaclava, Lord George Paget in command, about a quarter of a mile from the Turkish redoubts. We backed up the

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redoubts as soon as they began to fire. It was a fine morning; I dont recollect that it was misty. The first shot from our guns was like a flash of lightning - it was then hardly daylight... That was when the picket came down and let us know the enemy was advancing. An order was given to mount, and we rode towards the Turkish redoubts. Lord Lucan was in command of the cavalry, and Lord Cardigan of the Light Brigade.

We rode to within 200 and 300 yards of the Turkish redoubts. We saw the Turks retire from the redoubts which were taken by the Russians. Then we retired to leave the plain open for the Russians.

The Russian cavalry made a charge on the plain, where the Scotch Greys had been left to receive them. The Light Brigade were going to attack, only the Scotch Greys made such a clever charge that they frightened the Russians, who retired directly. The 4th Light Dragoons were stationed at the time at the back of a little hill, so that we could just see the charge.

After we had left the plain, where the Heavy Brigade charged the Russians, we marched up to the mouth of the valley. On looking down it, between the hills, we could see the Russians forming up. They were placing big guns at the other end of the valley, about a mile and a quarter 10 distant, against the Turkish redoubts which had been captured. We could see artillery, cavalry and infantry. One battery of artillery was placed across the valley, another battery was stationed on the heights on the left and the infantry were on the right, on the hills of the Turkish redoubts.

advance - there appeared to be three mounted men I said to Brown, Hold my horse, and then I levelled and fired. I believe that was the first shot fired, but I dont know whether anyone was hit. If anyone was hit no one fell, for the redoubts as soon as they began to fire. It was a fine morning; I dont recollect that it was misty. The first shot from our guns was like a flash of lightning - it was then hardly daylight... That was when the picket came down and let us know the enemy was advancing. An order was given to mount, and we rode towards the Turkish redoubts. Lord Lucan was in command of the cavalry, and Lord Cardigan of the Light Brigade.

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distant, against the Turkish redoubts which had been captured. We could see artillery, cavalry and infantry. One battery of artillery was placed across the valley, another battery was stationed on the heights on the left and the infantry were on the right, on the hills of the Turkish redoubts.

March to the Valley of Death

It was about midday when Captain Nolan [Captain Lewis Nolan, aide-de-camp to the Commander-in-Chief Lord Raglan, asked permission to charge with the 17th Lancers and was one of the first to be killed] brought an order from Lord Raglan to Lord Lucan. What it was I dont know. But Lord Lucan ordered us to form line. We formed line right in front of the big guns down the valley. Then Lord Lucan told the commanding officer Lord Cardigan to bring his men to Attention.

As soon as we were brought to Attention, Lord Cardigan gave the word Advance, and our officers that of Forward. The Brigade advanced, I think, in three lines. The 4' Dragoons were in the middle line, and I was the first man on the extreme left of the line. There was only a sergeant on my left. Yes, I know Mr Armes of Norwich. He was to the front rank, the seventh file from me. He was a very retiring man. I forget the exact position of the other regiments. But I think the 17'" Lancers must have been in front, because in the charge they threw away their lances and took to their swords.

The Fateful Order: the Advance

The order to Advance was followed by the command Trot and Gallop. I thought at the time that we had no business to make the charge upon the Russian guns - that before making the charge we ought to have had infantry to encounter their cavalry. But none of us spoke to each other about it. As we were riding down the valley I thought it was a wrong thing. But not a man flinched. One of the non-commissioned officers who had seen several years service remarked, as soon as we had got the order and begun to march, There will be scarce a man left to tell the tale. Several men said, There wont be many of us come out alive.

A young fellow named Exhale [Private Daniel Haxall, 4th Light Dragoons, killed in the Charge] who came from Stowmarket, in Suffolk, and who had enlisted just before I did, and who rode on my right, said to me, men, this is going to be a hot un. I said, Never mind, comrade, keep up your pluck.  As soon as we got into a gallop the order came to charge the guns. We had then got within range of their shot, and soon afterwards came within range of their infantry planted on the redoubts. Afterwards I found two shots in my stable cap, inside my shako, through which they had gone. On we dashed. Exhall was shot in the head. He fell dead on my leg, where his body rested while we went some distance, until I opened my horse out and he fell to the ground.

I think Exhall fell before Captain Nolan. The sergeant on my left was killed when we got three parts down the valley. lust after Captain Nolan fell my horse was killed by a cannon ball. I was then 200 or 300 yards from the guns. I mounted on a riderless horse and rode on to the guns. On the way I saw Major Halkett fall. Lord George Paget was still leading on the regiment. I saw Lord Cardigan riding a chestnut with white feet. By the time we had reached the guns many of our men and horses had been killed.

It was very queer going down the valley, a good deal worse than when we got into action. What I mean by queer is that the ride brought queer thoughts to me. But I never lost my nerve, and went on with the intention of doing my best.

The Charge on the Guns: the Fight

The first man I happened with at the guns was a Russian gunner, who attacked me with a ramrod. I killed him at the muzzle of the gun he was defending with two strokes of my sword. Just as I had killed this gunner

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I saw several Russians dash at the Earl of Cardigan, who was near the breach of a big gun; but his horse brought him safely over the limber towards us. I never saw him again in the battle. We cleared the guns and took possession of them, when we were attacked, first by cavalry, and next by infantry.

The Russian cavalry which attacked us consisted of lances in the front and swords in the rear. While fighting at the guns I received two lance wounds, one in the ribs and another, from behind, in the neck. The Russian lancer in the rear who stabbed me in the neck was killed by a comrade, and I struck down the other. But these Russian cavalry soon fled. The fire from the redoubts was continued upon the engaged cavalry, so that the enemy killed some of their own men as well as ours. In this cavalry encounter I was wounded across the forehead by a Russian dragoon. I then attacked him. He made cut 7 at me. I parried and made another cut at him. He defended himself and made another cut 7 at me. I gave him point and stabbed him. The sword flew from his hand, and the point, passing through my boot, penetrated my foot. Although blood was streaming from my forehead I still kept on. I dont know who fell near me, as I had to keep my eye on the enemy.

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Next we attacked the infantry, who came down from the back in strong force. We drove them and scattered them like chaff. They got away as quick as they could; they broke away in all directions. Then we came back to the guns and endeavored to keep hold of them until cavalry or infantry could take charge of them. We had to leave the guns because we had no cavalry or infantry to take charge of them. I believe they were spiked. Then the Retire' was sounded.

The Ride out of the Valley: a Horrible Wound

When we were retiring we met some Russian lancers. They tried to surround us. We had reformed under the command of Lord George Paget, who was [now] in charge of the Brigade. I did not see Lord Cardigan.

Coming back these lancers attacked us. We were not half as strong as when we started. We made a charge upon the lancers who fled to the left incline and rode past. We just caught one troop, went through them, and came on. Meanwhile shots were flying from both sides but there were none from behind. The shots were flying towards us from the Turkish redoubts, and from the Russian infantry. Just after passing the cavalry I got a ball from the Russian infantry on my left. It went through my left eye, passed between my nostrils and the roof of my mouth, and came out against my right eye. I did not know at the time that my eye was out.

I thought the ball had taken my nose of level with my face. It was not painful for a time; but afterwards the suffering was dreadful. After being thus wounded I still kept the saddle, though blood was now pouring from my mouth and nostrils, as well as running from my forehead. I was also bleeding from the other wounds.

Blind and Unrecognisable

When I came out of the battle the paymaster did not recognise me. I was then blind. Knowing that I belonged to his regiment, the paymaster asked me to let him look at my sword. I told him that I should not give it up to any man. Then he told me who he was and I let him look at my sword. He said he could see that I had not been idle in the engagement, and that I had given as much as I had received.

Hospital, Home, and an Interview with the Queen

After that charge and wounds I did no more soldiering. I went into the hospital at Scutari. Florence Nightingale came and saw me several times. I came home to England in due course. We landed in Portsmouth and went to Chatham Barracks. Her Majesty visited us at Brompton

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Barracks, with Prince Albert and the Duke of Cambridge. The Duke of Cambridge pointed me out to Her Majesty as having had such a miraculous escape, they were his words. The Queen who was then passing along the front rank, stopped and asked how I had received this wound in the eye, how I had lost my eye. I told her it was by a rifle ball from the infantry on our left. She asked me whether I would like to go back again. I told her that I would fight for my Queen and country as long as I could hold a sword. When I got home I received a present of stockings, cuffs, scarves and mittens from the Queen.

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Birth and Parentage - Entering the Army

I was born in the village of Hanworth, near Aylsham. My father was Peter Olley, a labourer. For some time, when a youth, I was in the employ of Mr George Emery, a farmer of Hanworth. Having a great desire to go into the army, I went in 1852 to Norwich Barracks, where the staff of the 4th Light Dragoons were stationed, for the purpose of enlisting, but as the headquarters of the regiment were at Ipswich I had to go to that town. I enlisted into the 4th Light Dragoons, and was sent into Captain Lowes B troop. From Ipswich the regiment went to Canterbury, then to Dorchester, and then to Exeter. From Exeter we went to Plymouth to embark on board the Simla for the Crimea. Captain Adlington, a Norfolk gentleman, had then succeeded Captain Lowe in command of the B troop.

Returns to his Old Occupation

I got my discharge in November 1855 and then went to live in Hanworth. I got into the employ of Lord Suffield. I had a pension of 1s.2d per day. After remaining for a time at Hanworth I went to reside at Southrepps to train horses for Mr Dunning. For the last 33 years, in fact, I have been amongst horses. Now I am suffering from heart disease and disease of the kidneys, so am unable to pursue that business. I have been twice married, first in 1858 and secondly in 1868. [In fact his first marriage was in 1856 and his second twenty years later in 1876.] By my first wife I had two children: a son who is a soldier in India, and a daughter

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who is married. By my second wife I have four children, all under .10 years of age. I have only once attended the Balaclava commemoration dinner, as I could not afford the expense of the journey. My wages have averaged about 15s a week.

542 PAGET, George Augustus Frederick

H56) Paget, George Augustus Frederick, The light cavalry brigade in the Crimea: extracts from the letters and journal of the late Gen. Lord George Paget, K. C. B., during the Crimean War. London: John Murray, 1881. xii+345pp. General Lord Paget (1818-80), who went to the Crimea as brevet-colonel in command of the 4th Light Dragoons, led the third line in the charge of the Light Brigade and was among the last to leave the field. He had arrived in the Crimea on 16 September 1854, but left on 11 November on the death of his father; he returned on 23 February 1855 and was joined for some months by his wife, before he finally departed on 9 December 1855. Extracts from his journal (pp. 15-151) are followed by later written chapters defending his actions in various battles, as well as other appendices, most interestingly, the comments on Paget's account by Lieutenant-Colonel John Douglas (1810-71), who led the 11th Hussars during the charge of the Light Brigade.

543 PAGET, George Augustus Frederick

H56) Paget, George Augustus Frederick, The light cavalry brigade in the Crimea: extracts from the letters and journal of the late Gen. Lord George Paget, K. C. B., during the Crimean War. London: John Murray, 1881. xii+345pp. CHECK CRIDER. Margrave lists as: Paget, Lord George, 4th Light Dragoons, The Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea. Extracts from the letters and journal of the late Gen. Lord G. Paget . . . during the Crimean War. Edited by C. S. Paget. John Murray:

544 PAGET, George Augustus Frederick

Follow up

545 PAGET, George Augustus Frederick

"Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea"edited and written by Lord George Paget and published by E. P. Publishing in 1975. Hardback, small 8vo, 343pp. Facsimile reprint of the Journal of Lt. -Col. Lord George Paget, 4th Light Dragoons, first published in 1881. Somewhat disappointing diary of the commander of a Light Brigade regiment. Required reading, I suppose, for those interested in the Light Brigade, but not exactly gripping. -- 1960s -- [from Michael Hargreave Mawson: Diaries and Letters from the Crimea published in Book Form since 1950]

546 PAGET, George Augustus Frederick

PB I found this online.

Check against pdf of book.

The Charge of the Light BrigadeExtracts from the Letters and Journal of General Lord George PagetPaget biography: http: //www. historyhome. co. uk/forpol/crimea/people/paget. htmPaget letter extracts: http: //www. historyhome. co. uk/forpol/crimea/paget/pagetbala. htm

These edited extracts are from Paget's own account, The Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea Extracts from the Letters and Journal of General Lord George Paget (John Murray, 1881). This document has been taken from its primary location on The Victorian WebThe disposition of the brigade was as follows: Left. Centre. Right. 1st Line 11th Hussars 17th Lancers 13th LightDragoons2nd Line 4th LightDragoons 8th Hussars- the second line (under me) being formed up about 100 yards in rear of the first line, (under Lord Cardigan). The first line started off (down somewhat of a decline) at a brisk trot, the second line following though at rather a decreased pace, to rectify the proper distance of 200 yards. When I gave the command to my line to advance, I added the caution, "The 4th Light Dragoons will direct." [This must be specially borne in mind. ] Uniform Stupidity. A Punch cartoon showing the expected dress of soldiers in the Crimea. Click on the image for a larger view. Before we had proceeded very far, however, I found it necessary to increase the pace to keep up with what appeared to me to be the increasing pace of the first line, and after the first 300 yards my whole energies were exerted in their directions, my shouts of "Keep up; come on, " etc., being rendered the more necessary by the stoical coolness (which made such an impression on me at the time) of my two squadron leaders, Major Low and Captain Brown, whose shouts still ring in my ears of "Close in to your centre back the right flank; keep up, Private So-and-so. Left squadron keep back; look to your dressing, " etc - sounds familiar to one's ears on the Fifteen Acres, or Wormwood Scrubbs, but hardly perhaps to be expected on such a job as ours, and showing how impervious they were to all that was going on around them, and how impossible it was for them, even under such circumstances, to forget the rules of parade, but which perhaps had the effect of checking the unusual pace at which the first line was leading us. The 4th and 8th, as I have said, composed the second line, under my command. I led in front of the right squadron of the 4th (the directing regiment).

After we had continued our advance some 300 or 400 yards' distance, I began to observe that the 8th were inclining away from us, and consequently losing their interval. At the top of my voice I kept shouting, " 8th Hussars, close in to your left. Colonel Shewell, you are losing your interval, " etc. ; but all to no purpose. Gradually - my attention being equally occupied with what was going on in my front ("Mind, your best support, my Lord, " being ever present in my mind) - I lost sight of the 8th, and shall for the present speak no more of them, but hereafter revert to the subsequent actions of that regiment.

The Charge of the Light Brigade from William Simpson's The Seat of War in the East, second series. I am grateful to John Sloan for permission to use this image from the Xenophongi web site and which graciously he has agreed to share with the Victorian Web. Copyright, of course, remains with him. Click on the image for a larger view.

There was no one, I believe, who, when he started on this advance, was insensible to the desperate undertaking in which he was about to be engaged; but I shall not easily forget the first incidents that confirmed what before was but surmise. Ere we had advanced half our distance, bewildered horses from the first line, riderless, rushed in upon our ranks, in every state of mutilation, intermingled soon with riders who had been unhorsed, some with a limping gait, that told too truly of their state. Anon, one was guiding one's own horse (as willing as oneself in such benevolent precautions) so as to avoid trampling on the bleeding objects in one's path - sometimes a man, sometimes a horse - and so we went on " Right flank, keep up. Close in to your centre." The smoke, the noise, the cheers, the groans, the "ping, ping" whizzing past one's head; the "whirr" of the fragments of shells; the well-known "slush" of that unwelcome intruder on one's ears! - what a sublime confusion it was! The "din of battle!" - how expressive the term, and how entirely insusceptible of description!One incident struck me forcibly about this time - the bearing of riderless horses in such circumstances. I was of course riding by myself and clear of the line, and for that reason was a marked object for the poor dumb brutes, who were by this time galloping about in numbers, like mad wild beasts. They consequently made dashes at me, some advancing with me a considerable distance, at one time as many as five on my right and two on my left, cringing in on me, and positively squeezing me, as the round shot came bounding by them, tearing up the earth under their noses, my overalls being a mass of blood from their gory flanks (they nearly upset me several times, and I had several times to use my sword to rid myself of them). I remarked their eyes, betokening as keen a sense of the perils around them as we human beings experienced (and that is saying a good deal). The bearing of the horse I was riding, in contrast to these, was remarkable. He had been struck, but showed no signs of fear, thus evincing the confidence of dumb animals in the superior being! [Or in better language, as I have somewhere read, "This shows how lower natures, being backed by higher, increase in courage and strength. Truly man being backed by Omnipotency is a kind of omnipotent creature!"] And so, on we went through this scene of carnage, wondering each moment which would be our last. "Keep back, Private So-and-so. Left squadron, close in to your centre." (It required, by the bye, a deal of closing in, by this time, to fill up the vacant gaps. )A Lancer is now seen on our left front prodding away at a dismounted Russian officer, apparently unarmed. I holloa to him to let him alone, which he obeys, though reluctantly (for their monkeys are up by this time), and the act, while it was not very graciously acknowledged by the officer in question, was begrudged by some who saw it. But to return to the charge, or more properly in MY opinion to be termed the "advance. "We had advanced perhaps some 300 or 400 yards, when I perceived that the 11th Hussars (which regiment started on the left of the first line began to disengage itself from that line, by dropping back, decreasing their pace gradually, and inclining to their right, apparently to cover the other regiment (1) of the first line. From this moment I of course directed my movements in accordance with those of that regiment. The 8th Hussars had by this time, as I have shown, left me, and I was consequently advancing with the 4th alone. Seeing therefore that the 11th were thus slacking their pace, and were themselves forming a second line, and being simultaneously left with my own regiment alone, I then commenced my endeavour by a still more increased pace to form a junction with the 11th, and thus with them form a line of support, the result of which will presently be shown; but I must now for the present occupy myself with the doings of the 4th.

This map is taken from Christopher Hibbert's The Destruction of Lord Raglan, p.134, with the author's kind permission. Copyright, of course, remains with him. Click on the image for a larger view

A line of field artillery was formed up across the plain in our front, consisting of at least twelve guns. This battery, owing to the dust and confusion that reigned, had not been perceived by us (by me at least) until we got close upon it, though we had of course been suffering from its fire on our onward course. The first objects that caught my eyes were some of these guns, in the act of endeavouring to get away from us, who had by this time got close upon them. They had, I fancy, ceased to fire on our near approach, and the men were dragging them away, some by lasso-harness, but others with their horses still attached. Then came a "Holloa!" and a sort of simultaneous rush upon them by the remnants of the 4th and cut and thrust was the order of the day. (2)To some of the guns, however, horses were attached, and some of the drivers of these, in the mêlée, tried to let themselves fall off between the horses. There were some fierce hand-to-hand encounters, and our fellows, in the excitement of the moment, lost sight, I fear, of the chief power of their sabres, and for the point (the great efficacy of which was amply exemplified on this day) substituted the muscle of their arms, in the indiscriminate appliance of the cut, which generally fell harmlessly on the thick greatcoats of the Russians. [The state of many of the hands after the encounter bore proof of this. Captain Brown's sword-hand, for instance, had actually a bad sore for many days after, for it must be remembered that no one wore gloves, and the hands were grated by the rough handles of the swords. ] Well, the work of destruction went on, of which I, however, was a passive observer, conceiving it more within the province of my duty to observe and endeavour to direct, than to occupy myself with the immediate destruction of the foe. [Oddly enough, the possession of a revolver never entered my head, and the only act of mine, on this day, as regards immediate destruction was that of saving an officer's life, and happy for me has since been the reflection of this, for doubtless the revolver would have been a tempting weapon more than once, had I thought of it. ] It is impossible too highly to admire the devotion, the entire absence of all sense of danger, on the part of the officers through this crisis, but while perhaps surprise may not be felt at those acts committed in the excitement of the moment by those who found themselves for the first time in a position to which, as far as it engendered excitement, the finest run in Leicestershire could hardly bear comparison - at the same time it admits of a grave doubt whether it comes within the province of those whose duty it is to direct and command, to occupy themselves, as some did on that day, in the description of combat belonging more properly to the Dragoon. The four or five guns to which I have alluded as being more immediately in our front, were soon disabled, one of them - that which was the more immediately under my notice, and the process of the dismemberment of which I had been more closely observing - having been overturned. (3) While the 4th were thus engaged, I observed twenty or thirty yards ahead two or three of the guns scrambling away, drawn by horses with lasso-harness, which it was evident had thus been attached, so that they might be dragged away at the very last moment, on which I said to Captain Brown, who was close to me, "There are some guns getting away, take some of your men to stop them, " which order, I need not say, was promptly and effectually obeyed. It should have been recorded of this officer that he was, I always understood, the only subaltern in the Cavalry Division who never missed one day's duty throughout the whole war.

We must now turn to the movements of the 11th Hussars. I have said that my attention had been, almost from the first, directed to their movements, and I soon perceived that they were apparently pursuing a course rather inclining to the left of that pursued by the first line. Colonel Douglas accounted for this as follows. (4). As he was approaching the point of the high hill (the last of the chain of the Fedioukine heights) that overlooks the plain, and round the base of which the valley makes rather a bend to the left as it approaches the Tchernaya, he perceived in the distance, some Russian cavalry in the plain, formed up in the sort of open valley or gorge which leads down (as I have said) to the river. He thought that by a vigorous attack on these troops he might bear them down, and drive them on to the river, being little aware of the masses of cavalry by which they were supported. With this object, then, he passed by the guns in the plain without engaging them [it will be seen in Colonel Douglas's account that a portion of his right squadron engaged with the guns] , there being an interval between these guns and the base of the hill sufficient for his regiment (if regiment it could by this time be called) to pass through in line. He therefore went on thus with the 11th, and it may be fairly said that on this occasion about forty men of the "Cherubims" [a sobriquet by which the 11th Hussars were known, from their cherry-coloured overalls, but which will not bear further translation] advanced against the entire force of the Russian cavalry! indeed, the Russian army!Here Colonel Douglas soon became aware of the masses of cavalry that were drawn up in support of the comparatively few that he had already seen the level of the ground having prevented him from seeing the main body sooner. He nevertheless went on with his regiment, ALONE, and advanced some distance, until he was absolutely driven back, and compelled to retrace his steps. I must now again turn to the 4th. I have said that it had been my endeavour to overtake and form a junction with the 11th. Now when we (the 4th) had got up to the guns, our front rank had nearly, if not quite, got up to the rear rank of the 11th (on their right) but our onward course was at this moment necessarily checked by our contact with the guns, which are directly in our line of advance. The 11th consequently again got away from us. When those guns had been disposed of, as I have shown, which did not occupy a long space of time, the 4th (by this time resembling more a party of skirmishers than a regiment), leaving the disabled guns behind them, pursued their onward course after the 11th, still, as I imagined, in support of the first line - Lord Cardigan's words always ringing in my ears. They (the 11th) had by this time been compelled to retire, and we consequently soon met their compact little knot retreating. When we met, the 4th hesitated, stopped, and without word of command "went about, " joining themselves to the retiring 11th. Masses of the enemy's cavalry were pursuing the latter, the more forward of them (who were advancing in far from an orderly manner, and evincing that same air of surprise, hesitation, and bewilderment that I had remarked in their advance against the Heavy Brigade in the morning - appearing not to know what next to do) being close upon us. It now appeared to me that the moment was critical, and I shouted at the top of my voice, "Halt, front; if you don't front, my boys, we are done!" (5) and this they did, and for a few minutes both regiments showed a front to the advancing enemy. (6)Hardly, however, had we thus rallied, when a cry arose, "They are attacking us, my Lord, in our rear!" I turned round, and on looking in that direction saw there, plainly enough, a large body of Russian Lancers formed up, some 500 yards behind us, in the direct line whence we had originally come, and on the direct line of our retreat! On the impulse of the moment, I then hollaed out, "Threes about " - adding, "We must do the best we can for ourselves, " the latter portion of the sentence being directed probably to the officers within hearing. [I recollect that at this moment Major Low was close to me on my left, and he has since told me that I said to him, "We are in a desperate scrape; what the devil shall we do? Has any one seen Lord Cardigan?"] But by this time, and indeed long previously, all order and regularity of formation had been lost; but still there was a sort of nucleus left whereon a fresh "rally" might be made to encounter our new foes, and this was to a certain extent effected by the individual exertions of the officers, from Colonel Douglas, Major Low and myself, down to the subalterns, my eye happening to catch at the moment Lieutenant Joliffe, Captain Brown and Lieutenant Hunt with their swords held in mid-air, to the cry of " Rally, rally!" when some few stragglers from the first line (which had long ago been broken up) joined us. [Major Low about this time, that is after we had effected our new semblance of formation, and were commencing our retreat or rather advance on the Lancers, said to me, "I say, Colonel, are you sure those are not the 17th?" to which I replied, " Look at the colour of their flags. "] Helter-skelter then we went at these Lancers as fast as our poor tired horses could carry us, rear rank of course in front (as far as anything by this time could be called a "front"), the officers of course in the rear, for it must be remembered that we still had our pursuers behind us. When we first saw them, the formation of the Lancers in our rear appeared to be that of a contiguous close column, and formed up right across our path; and as we approached them I remarked the regular manner in which they executed the movement of throwing their right half back, thus seemingly taking up a position that would enable them to charge down obliquely upon our right flank, as we passed them, and that would also have the effect of getting them more out of the line of fire from their own batteries to the south. [I must acknowledge that the regularity with which they seemingly executed this movement engendered in my mind grave misgivings as to what would be the result when we came into contact - we being little more than a rabble of 60 or 70 men, while they were a compact body, apparently about the frontage of two squadrons, and two or three squadrons deep: a sort of double column of squadrons, regularly formed up, and having first effected with regularity a somewhat difficult movement. ] On seeing their tactics, I (from the rear) shouted out, "Throw up your left flank, " when we had made a near approach to them, my object being to show them a parallel front, but in the din and noise that prevailed my voice probably reached but a few, and it must be owned that no attempt was made at this crisis to show a front, the general endeavour being to edge away to the left (I know not how otherwise to express that for which there is certainly no military phrase). Well, as we neared them, down they came upon us at a sort of trot (their advance not being more than twenty or thirty yards), they stopped ("halted" is hardly the word) and evinced that same air of bewilderment (I know of no other word) that I had twice before remarked on this day. A few of the men on the right flank of their leading squadrons, going farther than the rest of their line (as flanks are apt to do when halted), came into momentary collision with the right flank of our fellows, but beyond this, strange as it may sound, they did nothing, and actually allowed us to shuffle, to edge away, by them, at a distance of hardly a horse's length. [I can only say that if the point of my sword crossed the ends of three or four of their lances, it was as much as it did, and I judge of the rest by my own case, for there was not a man, at that moment, more disadvantageously placed than myself (being behind and on the right rear). ] . Well, we got by them without, I believe, the loss of a single man. How, I know not! It is a mystery to me! Had that force been composed of English ladies, I don't think one of us could have escaped! (7)It had now for some time been a case somewhat of the "sauve qui peut" ["save himself, who can"] with us, and there was no attempt at pursuit. They knew too well the sort of reception they would share with us, did they attempt to follow us through the ordeal we had before us, ere we got straight home, and thus the very danger that we had before us was a source of safety to us. A ride of a mile or more was before us, every step of which was to bring us more under the fire from the heights on either hand (though on one side partially silenced by the disabling of a battery by the Chasseurs d'Afrique during our absence, but of which we were of course at the time ignorant). And what a scene of havoc was this last mile strewn with the dead and dying, and all friends! some running, some limping, some crawling; horses in every position of agony, struggling to get up, then floundering again on their mutilated riders!Mine was an unenviable position, for I had had a "bad start, " and my wounded horse at every step got more jaded, and I therefore saw those in my front gradually increasing the distance between us, and I made more use of my sword in this return ride than I had done in the whole affair. However, with the continual application of the flat of it against my horse's flank and the liberal use of both spurs, I at last got home, after having overtaken Hutton, who had been shot through both thighs, and who was exerting the little vigour left in him in urging on his wounded horse, as I was mine. (8)Well, there is an end to all things, and at last we got home, the shouts of welcome that greeted every fresh officer or group as they came struggling up the incline, telling us of our safety. (9)I must now give an account of the remainder of my original command, that is, of the proceedings of the 8th Hussars. I have said that soon after our start I perceived that the 8th were gradually inclining away to their right; that all my efforts were of no avail in keeping them in their places; that they thus by degrees disengaged themselves from us, and that my attention being occupied in the movement of those in front of us, I lost sight of, and thought no more of them. It appears that something of the following kind occurred: Colonel Shewell in the advance was leading, or rather in front of (for technically the squadron leader only leads) the left squadron of his regiment, Major de Salis riding in advance of the right squadron. The former heard all my shouts, and by his corresponding ones did all in his power to rectify the interval which his regiment was losing, and which was getting wider at every step. Not only were the 8th losing their interval from the 4th, but the right squadron of the 8th were inclining away from their left, squadron. Colonel Shewell saw all this as well as myself, and did his utmost to rectify it, (10) the result being, that not only was the interval between the two regiments lost, but by the same process the 8th Hussars fell equally behind the alignment, the necessary result, when one body goes straight, and the other, if going at the same pace, inclines. After this I saw no more of the 8th Hussars. We must turn now to the proceedings of the first line, under the immediate command of Lord Cardigan, which are as follows, as far as I know them: The direction taken by this line was down the centre of the valley for a considerable distance, after which, while the 11th took a direction to the left, the first line inclined towards the right, as they approached the guns in position. It will thus be seen that while the first line was originally composed of the 11th, 13th, and 17th, the order received by Colonel Douglas, during his advance, to drop behind the first line, for the reasons given by him, resulted in the advance of his regiment down the left of the valley; while therefore the first line originally consisted of those regiments, the actual first line, which was led by Lord Cardigan up to the guns, consisted of the 13th and 17th, and it is with these only that I have now to do. The character of the advance, or rather the disposition of the several regiments, at the time when we had got about halfway down the valley, was as follows: The 13th and 17th were advancing in one line down the right of the valley. The 11th were advancing (somewhat in echelon to the first line) in rather an oblique direction towards the left of the valley. The 4th were advancing in support of the 11th, and somewhat to their right in echelon to them. The 8th Hussars to the right of the 4th, and in echelon to them, but following the course of the first line to the right. The left of the enemy's guns was thus attacked by the 13th and 17th, and subsequently by the 8th, and the right of the enemy's guns was attacked by the 11th and 4th. I believe the number of guns formed up in the plain was eighteen, the frontage of about ten of which was attacked by the 13th, 17th, and 8th, while the remainder were attacked by the 4th, except perhaps about two on their extreme right, which were attacked by the right troop of the 11th. When the first line had got through their guns, they went struggling on, amidst desperate encounters of all sorts, but of which I of course was not a witness, the general feature of their movements being a sort of sweep round to their left, towards the Tchernaya, reaching in their course to the base of the rising ground to their front, and making the larger circle, to the inner one made by US. And probably each regiment in turn must have approached to about the, same distance, from the Tchernaya, the regiments on the right must of course have gone over the most ground. They were then, after many desperate encounters of all sorts, overpowered (as we were subsequently) by the overwhelming forces opposed to them, and they struggled home by twos and threes, some of them passing us when we were engaged on the left, some few gluttons uniting to our "rally. "It was the complete dispersion of those regiments that prevented my impractised eye from seeing that the successive knots of men retreating constituted, in fact, the whole of those who escaped; a more perfect appreciation of which would probably have lessened the pertinacity with which I kept urging on our advance, to the, tune of "Mind, your best support, my Lord, " for of course, had I known at the time that there was nothing left to support, the force of that injunction would have, ceased to exist. It is self-evident that in this glance at the operations of the first line I know little more than from the rumours common to all. Suffice it to say that, as regards the advance, all the regiments engaged had probably an equal share in the fighting, though there can be no doubt that the second line had in the retreat a severe crisis, to which they only were exposed - that of having to meet a very strong force of cavalry, formed up to cut off their retreat. I must now refer to the events which were passing, while we were down at the Tchernaya. As I rode home, I remember the, impression made on my mind on seeing the Chasseurs d'Afrique (the 4th Regiment commanded by Colonel Champeron), appearing as if they had just been turned out of so many bandboxes, advancing towards us at a walk at the head of the valley, with a line of skirmishers in their front, and forming a strange contrast to our dusty and tired soldiers. I thought to myself as I gazed on them, " You are very pretty to look at, but you might as well have taken a turn with us, and then perhaps you would not look as spruce as you do." But I little knew the good service they had been rendering us during our absence. This regiment, as I afterwards learnt, or a portion of it, had, on seeing the mischief that a battery from the Fedioukine heights on our left had been causing us during our advance, gallantly attacked and silenced it, thus relieving us from the fire on that side on our return, and an important diversion in our favour it was; but one, the description of which I will not attempt, as I only speak of those events that came under my own eye, and for the same reason I can say nothing of the operations of our Heavy Brigade during our absence. P. S. - I have said that my orderly, Parkes, was wounded and taken prisoner, as was also my trumpeter, Crawford. They returned to us from Russia, in December 1855, at Scutari, and from them I heard some very graphic details, both of the battle, and also of what subsequently befell them in captivity. They had neither of them, it appears, been unhorsed till on their way home, and both when near each other. They then ran on foot (Crawford being slightly wounded) for a long way towards home, when Parkes was shot in his sword-hand and had to give himself up. During their progress they were attacked by several parties, consisting of three or four Cossacks each, who, however, always kept at a respectful distance. On one of the last occasions a Russian officer rode up, and, seeing that they were about to be roughly handled, said to Parkes in English, "If you will give yourself up, you shall not be hurt, " which, however, he declined to do. Shortly after, he was wounded and was thus compelled to do so, and then seeing the officer still near him, he placed himself and Crawford under his protection, and they were taken by him to General Liprandi's tent, when he was asked by the General a great many questions as to the English army, their position, numbers, etc., as Parkes stated in his blunt way, "We tried all we could to deceive the General, " who (though in a joking way, as he described it) said, "You are a liar, and I know more about the English than you will tell me. "The General would hardly believe that he was a Light Dragoon (he was about six feet two inches high), and said, " If you are a Light Dragoon what sort of men are your Heavy Dragoons?"Liprandi then said that it was well known that all the Light Brigade were drunk that morning; and when Parkes assured him that neither he nor any of his comrades had put a morsel of food or drop of drink in their mouths that day, he said, "Well, my boy, you shall not remain in that state long, " and he called to an aide-de-camp and told him to give the prisoners a plentiful allowance of food and drink. They were the next day started off for the interior of Russia, marching on foot most of the way, and though at first they were not treated with much consideration, the treatment became better as they went on, resulting ultimately in every sort of kindness and attention from every one, Parkes winding up his description thus: "Ay, my Lord, the officers were not ashamed of being seen walking about with us. "Parkes likewise told us that there was a rifleman behind every bush in the end of the valley, taking pot shots at us as we approached, which fact he learned from the Russians. He also told me that when he and Crawford were running home together, they fell in with Halkett, whom they found with a bad body wound (this must have been some time after all the firing had ceased). In accordance with his cries, Crawford lifted him on to Parkes' back, and he carried him a short distance, when, to save himself from attacks from the Cossacks, knots of whom were hovering around, he was forced to let him down and leave him. In returning shortly after, as prisoners, they found him dead and naked, with the exception of his jacket.

(1) I was extremely puzzled at seeing this, but afterwards ascertained from Colonel Douglas that, almost immediately after the commencement of the advance, he received an order direct from Lord Lucan, conveyed by an aide-de-camp of his, that be [PB: he? we?] should thus drop back and form a support to the first line, thus (consequently) constituting us the third line, though I was unaware of this fresh disposition till afterwards. [back] (2) It was about this time that my orderly, Private Parkes, a fine specimen of an Englishman, about six feet two inches high, who had lost sight of me in the mêlée, came rushing past me, his sword up in the air, and holloaing out, "Where's my chief?" to which I answered, "Here I am, my boy, all right, " - the last I saw of him, for he had his horse shot under him, was himself wounded, and afterwards take prisoner. [back] (3) It was at this moment, and I think with reference to this gun that the following took place. Lieutenant Hunt, 4th Light Dragoons, was close to my right, when, before I could stop him, or rather before my attention was drawn to him, he returned his sword, jumped off his horse, and began trying to unhook the traces from this gun! the only acknowledgment of this act of devotion being, I fear, a sharp rebuke, and an order to remount. When the circumstances are considered in which he committed this act, it must be acknowledged that it was a truly heroic one. He thus disarmed himself in the mêlée, amid hand-to-hand encounters, and the act which he attempted would have been a most useful one, had support been near to retain possession of the gun which he was trying to dismember, though under the circumstances it was of course a useless attempt - but none the less worthy of record and of a Victoria Cross, for which he would have been recommended, had the choice lain with me. [back] (4) The following details are the result of conversations I afterwards had with Douglas, but in addition to this I find the following remark made in my Journal, after he had perused what I am now going to narrate. "In making this attack on the Russian cavalry, I thought I should have been supported, and that our infantry were coming from Balaclava. A Russian officer, covered with decorations, surrendered to me in passing through the guns. "(Signed) J. DOUGLAS, Colonel." [back] (5) At this moment, I remember with what force, occurred to my mind an expression I had often heard from the lips of Lord Anglesey: "Cavalry are the bravest fellows possible in an advance, but once get them into a scrape, and get their backs turned, and it is a difficult matter to stop, or rally them." And now, thought I, would this be verified? The few that were left together (amounting probably to about 60 or 70 in the two regiments) HALTED AND FRONTED AS IF THEY HAD BEEN ON PARADE! [back] (6) Lieut. Martyn, Acting Adjutant of the 4th, who was close to me all the time, has since told me, that when I rallied the two regiments here and had fronted them, I ordered a fresh advance, which was only stopped by his and Major Low's expostulating with me, and pointing out the masses before us (for behind the broken few who were so close upon us, and through them as it were, were to be seen the main body advancing). To this I can only express my belief that they were mistaken, for to the best of my recollection I never meditated a fresh advance, my object in fronting being to save us from immediate and inevitable destruction, which object, be it observed, was gained by the front which we - I must say judiciously - showed those who were the nearest to us, and who were thus for the moment checked in their advance. We, the 4th, advanced as we did, because until the 11th fell back on us, we were acting in their support, but from the moment when these two regiments were united, it would have been clearly an act of madness (if indeed it had been possible) to have attempted another advance. I must attribute the supposition in the mind of those officers to this - that by the act of fronting I intended to advance, for I cannot think that I gave the order. The difference between showing a momentary front to an overwhelming enemy and attempting another advance is, in my opinion, very great, the latter being in the highest degree imprudent, nay impossible. [back] (7) It should be here explained that these Lancers ("Teropkine, " I believe) must have debouched out of the road leading on to the valley from the Tractir Bridge, after we had passed by the road on our advance, the point at which they were formed up to cut off our retreat being that where the road issues on the valley. If it were a preconcerted trap on their part, it was a well-conceived one, and had it been equally well followed up, would have been fatal to us. [back] (8) The doings of this brave fellow deserve record. He was shot through the right thigh during the advance, and holloaed out to his squadron leader, "Low, I am wounded, what shall I do?" to which the latter replied, " If you can sit on your horse, you had better come on with us ; there's no use going back now, you'll only be killed. "He went on, and if report speaks truly, made good use of his powerful arm in disabling some of the enemy. On his return he was shot through his other thigh (he ultimately recovered), his horse being hit in eleven places. When I overtook him, he complained of feeling faint, and asked if I could give him a little rum, which I fumbled out of my holster as we were going along. He then naïvely said, "I have been wounded, Colonel; would you have any objection to my going to the doctor when I get in?" (This all under a heavy fire!) [back] (9) One of the first of the many who rode up to greet me on my safe return was Lord Cardigan, riding composedly from the opposite direction. The involuntary exclamation escaped me, "Holloa, Lord Cardigan! were not you there? " to which he answered, "Oh, wasn't I, though! Here, Jenyns, did not you see me at the guns?"I then said, "I am afraid there are no such regiments left as the 13th and 17th, for I can give no account of them, " but before I had finished the sentence, I caught sight of a cluster of them standing by their horses, on the brow of the hill, in my front. [back] (10) Lieutenant Martyn, Acting-Adjutant 4th Light Dragoons, told me afterwards that, hearing my vociferations, he galloped off to Colonel Shewell (whether by my order or not, he does not recollect, but he thinks that I ordered him) and said, " Lord George is holloaing to you to close in to the 8th, " to which he replied, I know it, I bear him, and am doing my best." [back]

547 PAGET, George Augustus Frederick

PB I found this online.

Check against pdf of book. How does this connect with other Paget quotes, already aded to this database?

The Battle of BalaclavaExtracts from the Letters and Journal of General Lord George Pagethttp: //www. historyhome. co. uk/forpol/crimea/paget/pagetbala. htmThese edited extracts are from Paget's own account, The Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea Extracts from the Letters and Journal of General Lord George Paget (John Murray, 1881). This document has been taken from its primary location on The Victorian WebThe division had as usual turned out an hour before daybreak, and were "standing at their horses, " when Lord Lucan and his staff, hardly discernible in the darkness that prevailed, passed by us, coming from his tent (to our right rear), and making his way to the scene of his usual morning's ride to the front. They were riding at a foot's pace, when I jogged off and joined Lord W. Paulet, A. A. G., and Major McMahon, A. Q. M. G., who were following the Lieutenant-General at a distance of some fifty yards. We rode on at a walk across the plain, in the direction of the left of "Canrobert's Hill, " in happy ignorance of the day's work in store for us; and by the time we had approached to within about three hundred yards of the Turkish redoubts in our front, the first faint streaks of daylight (for the sun had not yet appeared on the horizon), showed us that from the flag-staff, which had, I believe, only the day before been erected on the redoubt, flew two flags, only just discernible in the grey twilight. The conversation which ensued will ever be vividly impressed on my memory. "Holloa, " said Lord William, "there are two flags flying what does that mean?" "Why, that surely is the signal that the enemy is approaching, " said Major McMahon. "Are you quite sure?" we replied. We were not long kept in doubt! Hardly were the words out of McMahon's mouth, when bang went a cannon from the redoubt in question, fired on the advancing masses of the enemy. Off scampered my two companions to their chief, while, I turned round and galloped back "best pace" to my brigade, which I at once mounted (Lord Cardigan not having yet appeared on parade). A moment after (on the arrival of a message from Lord Lucan), we advanced across the plain at a trot, the white volumes of smoke in our front increasing each moment, and telling us of the continued advance of our foes. We halted under the hill of No. 2 battery, and were not long in being made sensibly aware of what was going on, by the huge, cricket-balls coming "lobbing" through us, from over the hill in our front. The balls were mostly spent, and it was not difficult, with a sharp look-out, to avoid them; though this did not always hold good, for one of the first of them caught the horse of the front rank-left flank man of the leading squadron of the Fourth, and completely whizzed him round, and I can well remember the slosh that sounded, as it went through the centre of his belly. Many were the shouts during the next half-hour, "Look-out! look-out!" and exclamations at the narrow escapes of particular individuals. On one of these occasions I was standing with my side to the redoubt, and clear of the front of the brigade, when all sorts of gesticulations and cries of "Look-out, Lord George!" met my ears. Bewildered, of course, I moved my horse on two or three paces, which had the effect of bringing me into the line of the round shot which they saw coming, and which bounded actually between my horse's fore and hind legs, bursting, a cloud of dust up into my face. What a shout followed; for probably there were few eyes that were not on me, standing in my conspicuous place, and few doubted the result as they saw the shot coming! A shout of congratulatory exultation, as I said, followed, for it is curious to witness the anxiety evinced by all in the safety of a comrade, be he general, cornet, or private, when all are in the same boat. The first knowledge I had of the danger I had passed was a laugh from my rollicking orderly, " Ah, ha! it went right between your horse's legs"; responded to by me, "Well, you seem to think it a good joke; I don't see anything to laugh at." Nothing, makes one so captious as being frightened!We advanced from our bivouac lines in echelon of brigades from the right (the Heavy Brigade to our right), Captain Maude's troop of Horse Artillery having during our advance galloped to the front, and taken up its position on the ridge in front, from whence it opened fire. The outlying picket, which had been for some days previously stationed some quarter of a mile beyond the village of Kamara, had been surprised early in the morning, and had had a narrow escape of being taken prisoners. Major Low, field officer of the day, when making his morning rounds having found them, I fear, little on the alert. Had he arrived five minutes later, they would have been caught, for he was in the act of hustling them out of their half-drowsy state, when they were attacked by the Cossacks in large numbers, and had to gallop in for their lives. They joined us in our advance. Ere this, all eyes had become riveted on the redoubts in our front, including Canrobert's Hill, and presently a sort of "Spread Eagle" was seen against the horizon, the splinters of broken guns, horses' legs, etc., shooting up into the air, reminding one of a battle picture. Five minutes later, the mangled form of poor Maude, as he was carried past us to the rear, too truly confirmed our surmises of the total havoc caused by the bursting of a shell among the guns of his battery. He was actually covered with blood, that of the horse probably mingled with his own. The first sense of discomfort that we felt on this somewhat uncomfortable day, was caused by a general cry of, "They have taken Canrobert's Hill." A short, a very short struggle, on the hill, and down came the "Buono Johnnys, " (the well-known sobriquet of the Turks) helter skelter down the almost perpendicular descent, as if the Devil were at their heels, the Russians peppering, though not attempting to follow them. Halfway down, our allies made a sort of rally, but it was only for a moment, and what became of them we did not see, as our attention was soon diverted to the events that were occurring on the redoubt next to, and on the left of Canrobert's Hill, known as No. 2 (that redoubt close to where Maude's guns had so lately suffered, and which was closer to us, and more immediately in our front). The defenders of this redoubt did not make much resistance, though it is due to them to say that in each of these two first redoubts some faint sort of fight was made. The abandonment of this redoubt made it necessary for the cavalry to commence retiring, which they did slowly, and at intervals of time all the early morning, during which retrograde movement (which must have occupied more than an hour) we had the mortification of seeing all the redoubts occupied by the Turks, in our front and left front, abandoned, one by one - the last, No. 3 (1) without a shot being fired in their defence; nay, the defenders evacuating them before the enemy had reached them. The Turks who thus abandoned these redoubts (situated so that their line of flight to Balaclava was immediately across our front, in our now retired position) did not run - there was no need for that, as they had taken time by the forelock - but crawled slowly by us in twos and threes, laden with their blankets and kits, which they had given themselves time to collect, their cry being "Ship, ship, " a name by which they were for some time known, alternately with that of "Buono Johnny." (2)Our gradual retreat across that plain, "by alternate regiments", was one of the most painful ordeals it is possible to conceive-seeing all the defences in our front successively abandoned as they were, and straining our eyes in vain all round the hills in our rear for indications of support. We had regained the vicinity of our lines long before there was any sign of our infantry from the plateau of Sebastopol, and, even when we first saw them, they were at such a distance as to give us no hope of the immediate support necessary in the event of a sudden forward movement of the enemy. (It must have been half-past ten before our two infantry divisions formed in the plain. ) In fact, for some hours it would have devolved on our handful of cavalry to contest the plain against the large force of Russians, had they pursued their advantage, though to a certain extent we had the support of the guns defending Balaclava, and of the 93rd Highlanders in their mountain position. At length the brigade of Guards appeared, and took up a position in the plain, supported after an interval of time by the Fourth Division. Our next movement was a flank one to our left, to the rising ground that forms the end of the ridge of low hills, on which were situated the line of Turkish redoubts; the whole of which (except No. 5, the one next to us) were by this time in the possession of the enemy. The Light Brigade was here formed into two bodies; the one consisting of the 8th, 13th and 17th, and the other of the 4th and (I think) the 11th, the first of these facing the end of the ridge of redoubts, and the latter (a short distance in their rear) placed in somewhat of a hollow in the undulating ground, and facing more to the left front, looking towards the lower ground that separated us from the Woronzoff road, as it wound down from the old telegraph station on the plateau. The second of these lines was placed under my command by Lord Cardigan, who desired me to watch that approach to our position, in case of an attack from that side; while he with the three other regiments would await an attack from the direction of the redoubts, in the event of which he expected my "best support. "We remained in these positions for a very short time, when a new disposition was made; the first line moving more, forward to their front, the second line (which in the new disposition consisted of the 4th and 8th) throwing our left shoulders forward, and (ceasing to watch the point of attack on our left front) following the forward movement of the first line, and becoming therefore more directly a line of support to them. After an advance of some 100 yards, we again halted in the position from whence we started our unfortunate charge, this position being on the end of the ridge which, as I have said, terminated the chain of hills on which stood the Turkish redoubts. We thus faced about due east, looking down from our right on our encampment ground (situated between us and Balaclava), our left being skirted by the low valley ground which separated us from the plateau heights. The 4th and 8th being thus placed in position and dismounted, I sauntered some 40 or 50 yards to my right to see what was going on in the valley below, and fortunate was it for my after-recollections that I did so, for I then witnessed, from the most perfect position imaginable, that most glorious and brilliant feat of arms known as the Charge of the Heavy Brigade. We remained on the ground we were occupying in two lines some hour and a half, dismounted, and employing our time in the interchange of the commodities of life (of which we were in much need; not having yet broken our fast), consisting of biscuits, hard-boiled eggs and the like; the more provident sharing their flasks of rum with those who took no thought for the morrow, while others were consoling themselves with that universal panacea for soldiers in war, as well indeed as in peace, the "tobacco-leaf." (3)We were thus engaged when the first intimation I received of our intended attack was conveyed by Lord Cardigan riding, up to me and saying, "Lord George, we are ordered to make an attack to the front. You will take command of the second line, and I expect your best support, mind, your best support, " this last sentence being repeated more than once, and perhaps with rather a marked emphasis, as I thought, though it was probably more the result of excitement than anything else. But it caused me to answer with equal emphasis, " Of course, my Lord, you shall have my best support." He then galloped back to his troops, and then commenced the affair known as the Charge of the Light Brigade, and it is a high compliment to the actors in it, in my humble opinion, that it may be called the rival of the Heavy Brigade charge. On our return from the charge, the Light Brigade collected, as it were, on the slope of the hill looking towards Balaclava and remained there, some hours, on the chance of their services being again required. For some time stragglers and loose horses kept hobbling home, each being received by a hearty cheer at his unexpected appearance. There was then counting up of losses. A roll was soon called, and a melancholy ceremony it was, each narrating where they last saw a missing comrade, and all bewailing the known loss of many an old friend. It was a sad list indeed! The farriers' pistols were soon brought into requisition, to shoot such of the poor beasts as were too mutilated for further service (a repetition of which task was enacted for many mornings after). Then came a more welcome occupation, that of profiting by the forethought of some commissariat officers, who sent us some rum and biscuit from Balaclava. There was hardly an officer or man who had broken his fast this day (3 o'clock), but it soon became necessary to limit the issue of grog, for some soon began to show unmistakable evidence of that condition which under other circumstances would have got them into trouble. The ensuing night we had to shift our ground more than once, and it was half-past one in the morning before we could get any sleep.

(1) I believe that No. 5 redoubt (that nearest to Kadikoi), however, was never actually taken by the enemy. If it was, it was only held for a moment. [back] (2) A great deal was made of the behaviour of the Turks in their abandonment of these redoubts, and by none more than ourselves (the cavalry), but the truth is, they were placed in very trying circumstances. The bravest troops in the world never should have been placed in charge of those redoubts, en l'air, and unsupported as they were, or rather at such a distance from all supports. It is true that all the redoubts, after Canrobert's Hill, were abandoned in a manner inexcusable for good troops, but a good show of resistance was made in the former. [back] (3) After we had mounted, and just before we commenced our advance, Colonel Shewell, commanding the 8th Hussars, happened to rest his eye on one of his men with a pipe in his mouth, which so excited his military ire that he holloaed to him that "he was disgracing his regiment by smoking in the presence of the enemy" - a grave view of the question which certainly I (his commanding officer) did not, or at least had not, up to that time, reciprocated, inasmuch as I at this very moment was enjoying a remarkably good cigar. The question then rose in my mind, "Am I to set this bad example? (in the Colonel's opinion at least) or should I throw away a good cigar? - no such common article in these days, be it remembered. Well, the cigar carried the day, and it lasted me till we got to the guns - with shame do I say it. It was often the subject of joke between us afterwards, his upbraiding a man for a fault which his senior officer was at the very time committing! and we could never agree as to which was right - he persisting in the perhaps more strictly military view of the question, while I, who had more experience of the comfort of so warm a friend, clung to my argument, that under the circumstances of our being rather in want of warm friends, such a relaxation of discipline was allowable. [back]

548 PAGET, George Augustus Frederick

COLB - PAGET'S JOURNAL TRANSCRIBED BY PB [PB: This is my transcription from a pdf of the original. It's now in fairly decent condition, but needs a proper edit against the originals. ] Paget,

George

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The

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George

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(1881) 100. pdf [68?] JOURNAL OF THE CRIMEAN WAR.

Oct. 22. - Very quiet here to-day and no alarms. Our horses beginning to suffer much.

Oct. 24. - The rain come at last. I know little of the disagrements of campaigning till we have experienced that. A good deal of chaff goes on about the inaction of the cavalry, which we only laugh at. The Russian cavalry, which is ten times as strong as ours, has never yet been made use of. We have been ready and effective if wanted, but really as yet there has been no occasion for our services, except after the Alma, when Lord Raglan would not let us go. They are afraid that Dunkellin may have been bayoneted, and have sent in a flag of truce to find out about him. It appears to have been his own fault, or rather his blindness, for the men told him it was a Russian picket in front of him, and he would not believe them.

Oct. 25, evening. - Well, we have had a fearful day's work, out of which it has pleased God to bring me harmless. At 6 a. m. they attacked our heights and the Turkish batteries, from which they drove those fellows pell-mell. They then, about 11a. m., came across the plain to us, right up to Balaclava, and attacked our heavy brigade, who, with us, had in the meantime retreated behind our lines. The heavy brigade charged them beautifully and routed them, on which they retired to the heights they had taken from the Turks. Things thus remained for about an hour, when the Light Brigade advanced down a valley, in rear of the position we had lost. We rode at a fast trot

[69] BATTLE OF BALACLAVA. for nearly two miles without support, flanked by a murderous fire from the bills on each side. Well, at [last we got up to their guns and cavalry, and took the former (nine, I counted), sabred some of the drivers, and, to our horror, then found that we were not supported !

Oct. 26. - 1p. m. At this point (8 p.m. last night) I was interrupted by a remove farther to the rear, which prevented our getting our tents up again before 10. 30 p.m. on this hard day. I therefore now narrative. Thus we were a mile and half from any support, our ranks of course broken (most, indeed, having fallen), with swarms of cavalry in front of us and round us. Such a scene it would be useless to describe. We had got beyond their guns, at the entrance of a sort of widish gorge, when, finding it useless to proceed, our fellows turned round to go back, and about we went. At this moment, however, seeing a lot of their cavalry coming on us, within fifteen yards, I holloaed to them (the remnants of the 4th and 11th, the only two regiments then in front) to" front, " which they right gallantly did, when a cry arose, "They are coming down on us in our rear, my lord; " and to our consternation we saw a regiment of Lancers (fresh disengaged ones) formed up in our rear, between us and our retreat. The case was now desperate. Of course, to retain the guns was out of the question. We went about again and had to cut away through this regiment, which had skilfully formed so as to attack us in flank (our then right flank).

[70] I holloaed "Left shoulder forward!" but my voice was drowned, and I hesitate not to say that had that regiment behaved with common bravery not one of us would have returned. I am no swordsman, but was fortunately enabled to disengage myself and get through them, and I had the worst of it, for in the melee I had got on the right flank (that exposed to them), and my horse was so dead-beat that I could not keep up, and saw the rest gradually leaving me at each step. Well, having got by them, we had to ride back a mile, through the murderous fire we had come through, of guns, shells, and Minie rifles from the hills of brushwood on each side; and all I can say is, that am, here I but how any of us got back I don't know. Cardigan led the first line, 11th, 13th, and 17th; led the second line, 4th and 8th. Cardigan came up before, and said, "You must give me your best support. "We rode on in this disposition for perhaps a third of a mile, when the 8th Hussars would gradually continually holloaed to us to keep t us. incline away to our right, though I us. keep holloaed to them to toDuring the advance, however, the 11th dropped in rear of the 13th, which brought the former and the 4thinto action with the enemy about the same time, the 8th having gradually fallen to our rear. When I, with the 11th and 4th, got to the guns, and saw all their host advancing, I looked in vain for the first line, and could never account for them, till I came back and said, "I am afraid the 13th and 17th are annihilated, for I saw nothing of them; "

[71] CHARGE OF THE LIGHT BRIGADEwhen I found that the few of them remaining had returned, unobserved by me, by ones and twos, and that they had got back first; so that in fact, when we had got to the end of this horrid valley, the 11th and 4th were the last left there. We turned out in the morning about 700 strong, and in counting losses when we got back we counted 191. Not an officer of the 4th escaped without himself or his horse being wounded. Poor Halkett, we believe, killed. He was struck down in the advance; Sparke missing, supposed to have been sabred in the melee at the end, * and Hutton shot in both thighs and his horse wounded in eleven places; my horse was grazed! in three or four had a shot through my holster. My places, and I poor orderly, a fine fellow, who not five minutes and, having before had been brandishing his sword,

melee

, holloaed out, Where's my in the lost me " chief ? - certainly the last words he could have spoken - was knocked over, as well as my trumpeter, both by my side. Every trumpeter in the regiment, and two serjeant-majors out of three knocked over. Oh, how nobly the fellows behaved ! At one time we were between four fires, or rather four attacks - right and left, front and rear. That is, a heavy fire from right and left, and cavalry innote* He was a bad rider and rode a fractious horse, and, as I afterwards heard, was seen at that time in difficulties with his horse. f Lots of little wounds, hardly to be called wounds, were reported to me by my servant, in the engagement. They appeared as if caused by small splinters of stone, ricochetting on him, from a missile hitting the ground. He had a number of these little spots, just drawing blood.

[72] OUR LOSSESfront and rear; and during all this time the fellows kept cheering ! The 13th suffered the most, the 4th next. Alas ! alas ! it was a sad business, and all without result, or rather with the result of the destruction of the Light Brigade. It will be the cause of much ill-blood and accusation, I promise you. There is, or rather was, an officer named Captain Nolan, who writes books, and was a great man in his own estimation, and who had already been talking very loud against the cavalry, his own branch of the service, and especially Lucan. Well, he rides up to Lucan with a written order " signed "R. Airey, " saying the cavalry were to recapture the guns taken in the morning. So Lord " Lucan says, "But what guns?"on which he insultingly replied: "There is your enemy, my lord. "Cardigan most gallantly led us on, arriving himself first at the guns. Nolan - the principal cause of this disaster - was the first man killed. After this hard day (over about one o'clock) we were not allowed to go back to our lines till 5 p.m., though only 500 yards off, and none of the men or horses had had anything to eat since the night before. The attack of the Heavy Brigade was actually in our lines, so we have lost a good deal of property, the answer about everything being, "Oh, it was knocked over in the attack - I cannot find it; " or "The Turks must have stolen it." There is no doubt that the latter did take a good many things from our tents in their retreat in the morning. I

[73] have captured such a fine black horse, with beautiful action. *Our return was really a sort of triumph, the troops cheering us as we came up, and the fellows rushing forward to shake hands with us on our escape. As for myself, I take no credit - I could not help myself; I was ordered to go on, and must, but that in the whole of that devoted brigade there was not one man who hesitated was a noticeable fact now that one looks back at it. In the afternoon I rode down to the Guards (to try to get something to eat) and had to tell them a sorry tale of some of their friends, and it was a strange coincidence that two of the first officers who rushed up to me were Bradford and Mark Wood, who each had brothers in our brigade, though with different names, who had been killed; Goade, 13th, being Bradford's brother, and Lockwood, Wood's brother, and their deaths were announced by me to their brothers without my knowing the relationship. Lucan is much cut up; and with tears in his eyes this morning he said how infamous it was to lay the blame on him, and told me what had passed between him and Lord Raglan. The fact is, we can fight better than any other nation, but we have no organisation. At the Alma it was just the same bulldog work, but no orders issued; and so at the commencement of the Peninsular War, and so it will be at Sebastopol. I have always anticipated a disaster when the* I was not allowed to keep this horse, Lord Lucan claiming him for the ranks. An act, in the absence of a prize agent, which, I believe, he was not justified in doing.

[74] cavalry came to be engaged, though I kept it to myself. Each of the Earls exculpates the other from blame. How unfortunate the poor cavalry always is, to be either sneered at for being slow, or to get into these scrapes, neither being their own fault ! There - were not ten men killed by the enemy's cavalry it was all- done by the raking fire from the flanks. Their cavalry proved themselves great curs. A large force of cavalry attacked the 93rd, who allowed them to come up quite close, and then gave them such a fire that they flew back across the plain. It was not a pleasant morning, seeing all our outworks (Turkish) abandoned, and no support coming up from behind. Many an anxious look did I give to those hills. I paraded the five regiments this morning and formed them into two squadrons. You should hear my voice after holloaing yesterday; it is like an old crow ! How I write on! but I cannot help dwelling on the events of yesterday; however, I am so tired I must stop.

Oct. 27. - No attack to-day. It is said we shall give up Balaclava. There was a handsome affair yesterday afternoon, a sortie driven back by our pickets with great slaughter, and little loss on our side. The expression of feelings from you all quite overwhelms me. What sort of letters shall we get when you hear of Wednesday ?I have written to Cowley, * asking him to telegraphnote* I wrote a hurried note to Cowley by this same post, with a short description of the 25th, in the hopes that he might telegraph on from Paris that I was safe. This note had a curious history. It was sent down to Windsor, and read aloud at dinner (as I afterwards heard) to

[75] LORD RAGLAN VISITS OUR CAMP. to you of my safety. All that afternoon we kept feeling over our arms and legs, thinking we must find a sore somewhere. I have just seen our returnOfiicers killed, 10; wounded, 21Men killed, 138; wounded 270

143 291 Horses wounded, 379; out of about 630 on parade in the morning. All the shipping nearly is out of Balaclava, and the hospitals ordered to be ready for a move. "Annihilation of the Light Cavalry Brigade" will figure some morning probably in the newspapers in large letters. How we dread this for you all!Lord Raglan rode through our camp this afternoon, which caused some excitement among our fellows, rushing out to cheer him in their shirt-sleeves. But he did not say anything. How I longed for him to do so, as I walked by his horse's head! One little word, "Well, my boys, you have done well, " or something of the sort, would have cheered us all up, but then it would have entailed on him more cheers, which would have been distasteful to him; more's the pity, though one cannot but admire such a nature.

Oct. 27, evening - I rode up to head-quarters to-day and dined with Lord Raglan. I was very kindly received by him, and he grasped my hand two or three times in his congratulations; indeed, notethe Queen; it being, I believe, the first >account

of any sort that had been received in England of the battle. I never saw it afterwards, and know not what became of it.

[76] it was the same with them all, and it was very gratifying to hear all they said of us, which I must not repeat. They all saw it from the heights, and Lord Raglan showed great emotion, I believe. But I cannot omit one little speech, for it was one to have lived for, coming from such a man, and so neat. When, among other things, I said that I had lost my trumpeter, he said, "Never mind, George, you will never want another; " and Airey told me that he had said that, deplorable as the affair was, it would not be without its results, and would make a great impression on the Russians. The Scots Greys puzzle the enemy. They think we mounted the Guards on horseback.

Oct. 28. - I was abruptly interrupted in my letter last night by a turn out at 10. 30, in consequence of the guns on

our

heights opening fire. We were only out for an hour, but were roused out again by another alarm at 4 a. m., when there was heavy cannonading for half an hour, and when day began to break we found that the rumpus was caused by a number of Russian horses (with the kits on) having broken from their own lines, and rushed by our pickets. They were afterwards secured, 150 in all, mostly small greys. This was the third surprise we had yesterday (the first at 9 a. m. ), which is no joke. The sensation created by night alarms is unlike anything else. The holloaing, the hurry, the rushing about, the trumpet-sounds, and the cries of "lights out" (that is the first cry always), with probably musket and cannon in the distance, is very exciting in the pitch-dark; but at last one gets accustomed to it, though one ends by jumping up at the least sound.

[77] FLAG OF TRUCE. I am glad to say we are in a less exposed position to-day, having moved on to the steppe land, looking over the plain, at the end of what is called the " Col de Balaclava. "I think that I may have been instrumental in this move, having represented to Lord Raglan the other day the impropriety of leaving us always, or rather our camp, in such exposed positions. It is a fact, that we have till now been generally encamped in an outside position, i. e. with nothing in front of us. Cavalry when mounted should be outside of every- thing, but their camps should always he inside, for when in camp (at night) they are helpless, and subject to disaster. So little is this appreciated, that (if report speaks truly) there was at one time a question of whether we should be encamped under Cathcart's Hill - " en l'air " - as it were. A flag of truce went to-day to Liprandi to ask about our wounded. Alas! only three officers alive, and another goes to-morrow to ascertain their names. All the officers were very civil, except one fat old general, who, in answer to the question whether if all the dead were not buried we might be allowed to do so, said, "Dites a Lord Raglan, que nous sommes Chrétiens; nous nous battons, mais nous sommes Chrétiens." The valley is covered with dead horses. Evans' Division gave them a rare

slating

on the 26th. But the siege, in the meantime, don't make much progress. I hear Lord Raglan has written home a rattling despatch about us. How absurd it will be

[78] wearing badges hereafter for Alma and Sebastopol when we did nothing, and having nothing to show for Balaclava! They are going to take my Russian horse from me. All the horses taken are to be handed over to remount the Light Brigade; but I shall make a push for mine, particularly as my horse is lame after Balaclava. It makes one's heart bleed to hear your account of the week every one spent after the telegram of the Alma, and what is in store for you again, though of course tenfold worse to all those connected with the cavalry. You have no idea how much We all talk and think of this. You ask What horse I rode at the Alma. Neither "Copenhagen" nor "Marengo, " but poor old "Exquisite." I suggested to Lucan that I should write my account of the doings of the second line; but he would not hear of it, - so our part of the fray will be ignored.

Oct. 30. - Such bitter cold, I could not write yester- day; and the snow has begun to show on the hills. At church yesterday, in Lord Raglan's dining-room: only his staff. I spent several hours there afterwards, lunched with him, and also dined. It is no small treat getting within the walls of a house such a day as yesterday, and I envied his grooms' snug beds on the straw, when I went to the stables. There is little doubt now, I fear, of the army's wintering in the Crimea. An order has come that new that we are within the lines, we are only to turn out at 5. 30 every morning. Imagine this being a source of rejoicing!Oct. 31, - Airey told me to-day they are preparing for hutting for the winter. We have been selling

[79] SEVERITY OF WINTER. to-day the effects of those who fell on the 25th. Melancholy work. A surprise again at 11 P. M. General Bosquet, it appears, had set his eye upon a nice lot of cavalry horses, and sent a shell into them, and succeeded in getting some. A novel expedient truly, hut he might as well have given us warning, and thus have saved us our turn out in the cold. Very little firing to-day; we are, I fancy, running short of ammunition.

Nov. 1. - It has become so cold, with a piercing north wind. The thing I find most difficult in keeping warm at night is my nose, and I fear it will affect its beauty. The deserters say they are nearly all starving in Sebastopol, but well clothed. As for our horses, another week will finish them.

Nov. 2. - To-day we, the Light Brigade, have moved to about where we (the 4th) were a fortnight ago, when attached to the Second Division close to the windmill. Why, I don't know. On arriving at our encamping ground, I found "the Punter "* waiting to tell me that he had prepared dinner for me, and we had a very sumptuous Spread, after which we adjourned to the Duke of Cambridge's tent, and smoked a cigar with him, the subject of course being Balaclava, of which, or rather of one's constant repetition of the same story-one is beginning to get tired. Turning round in one's narrow bed is a difficult operation, without disarranging the economy of the blanket, plaid, great coat, and cloak; and there is always the odd knee or two, or some stray corner of one's body, that one cannot keep warm. note* Colonel Blair, Fusilier Guards, killed at Inkermann.

[80] Nov. 3. - Nothing fresh; all reports so contradictory, that one knows not what to believe. I am left in a sort of command of the brigade, as Cardigan is ill on board his yacht, though he comes up most days. He is an odd man, certainly. When pointed out Ifirst joined the brigade, ten days ago, I that the brigade was not placed in camp as it should be according to rule; since then he has given in to my views, and yesterday, on our taking up our ground, he said, "Here, Lord George, you seem to understand these things; be good enough " to picket the brigade according to your ideas; but whether this was because he was cold or bored, or had confidence in me, I am not prepared to say.

Nov. 4. - We have had such a drenching day, at least morning, for it cleared up at one, and there has been very little firing. Douglas and I wander into each other's tents, all day. He is nearly right again. A rainy day in camp is no joke. The Great Duke never said a truer thing than that the worst house is better than the best tent; but we have an additional blanket issued to-day. You poor people are about now getting news of Balaclava; oh! how I wish I could set your mind at rest about me ! Shewell and I rode over to head-quarters this afternoon, and have agreed to go there for church, when there will be a sacrament.

Nov. 5, evening - Another dreadful struggle just over. The enemy attacked our position at daybreak this morning, and the fight has been going on all day. Ours has been a complete victory; but at what a sacrifice of life ! Eight generals hors de combat! A more sanguinary day than the Alma.

[81] BATTLE OF INKERMANN. The Light Cavalry Brigade were sitting under a heavy fire for half an hour, and lost a few men. Early in the morning Nigel Kingscote* rode up to me, and told me that I was to support the Chasseurs d'Afrique, in case they were called upon. This they soon were, and went to the front, to the support (as we heard) of General Bosquet, whose division was in difficulty. We went on till we got into a heavy fire, when after some time they returned, and we also. We advanced nearly as far as the two great batteries, and there saw a scene of carnage I shall not easily forget. At one moment I " fell in with the Duke of Cambridge, and said, Where are the Guards?" when " he, pointing out a small cluster of men, said There they are, all that are left of them." -

Nov. 7. - I was obliged to stop, fearing to lose the post. There is nothing new. We are gradually settling down after the shock of Sunday. It was indeed a dearly-bought victory, and would not have one, been but that Englishmen never know when they are licked, " as Napoleon I, I believe, said. Pennefather told me the loss of the Russians must have been 20,000. As usual, our fellows had to bear the brunt of it, though some French troops came to our assistance at last. A Council of War, yesterday, adjourned to to-day. They attacked us in that part of our position which was considered the weakest; and since the battle we have been intrenching it more. We are in the thick of all the horrors here, our encampment being close to the windmill, the depot ofnote* Colonel Kingscote, one of Lord Raglan's aides-de-camp.

[82] the wounded Russians, half an acre of which (enclosed in a stone wall) is filled with them. Here, again, my orderly was killed; there seems to be a fatality about my followers. They all get knocked over, and there was something peculiarly unlucky in the fate of this one, Rickman by name. Perceiving that he was not wounded when we turned out in the morning, I asked his captain (Brown) why he was not out. He said, "There must be some mistake, as a horse was told off for him; " and he accordingly mounted. I have of course nothing on my conscience, still the reflection is painful. The evening after the battle, I smoked a cigar with the Duke of Cambridge in his tent. Poor Clifton was there, with a dreadfully swollen face, having been hit on the cheek. Jem Macdonald, as usual, cheery. Bentinck, when being carried past us wounded, said, "Ah, it is my turn now!" The shoals of wounded being carried past us all day was truly distressing. Oh war! war! how one has heard and read of it without realising all its horrors ! I must stop now, but I intend, D. V., to write a more detailed account some day of all that I saw in this battle, as well as Balaclava. My journal must now for the present close, in the form of correspondence, as I did not again write home to England, and what follows (up to the date of my return to the Crimea) is from a diary kept at the time.

Nov. 7. - Went to head-quarters to hear the result of the Council of War, as to what was decided on for the future, as upon that depended the questions of whether I should ask leave to go home, with the

[83] I LEAVE THE CRIMEA. purpose of retiring from the service; * and the same evening I dined with the Duke of Cambridge, and discussed the matter with him, and Jem Macdonald.

Nov. 8. - The Council of War has determined that the siege, or rather assault, is to be given up for the year, and until reinforcements come; and that the occupations of the army are to be for the present confined to intrenching themselves strongly in their position.

Nov. 9. - Went to Lord Raglan, and after a conversation with him and Estcourt, it was agreed that there could be no objection to my going home, for the purpose of retiring; and he then called for the Order Book, and himself wrote down the order giving me leave for this purpose. He insisted on my stopping for luncheon, and dining with him afterwards. After lunch, I rode down to Balaclava, and secured a passage on board the Andes, and then returned to my camp and packed ordered a parade of the up my traps. After which, I regiment, and gave them a parting address, which was warmly responded to; and they turned out, as I rode away, and gave me three cheers. I then rode back to Lord Raglan to dinner, and sat between him and Airey; and a most agreeable dinner it was. In the middle of it a large official letter was brought to him (which had been opened). It was from Menschikoff, and addressed to Lord Raglan and Canrobert conjointly, having come first to Lord Raglan, and been sent by the latter to Canrobert to open, fromnoteLord George had, previous to the war, sent in his papers to the Horse Guards to retire from the army, but withdrew them in consequence of hat event (see Appendix 2, p.252. ).

[84] whom it was now returned. It was in answer to one sent by them to Menschikoff, complaining of the wounded having been bayoneted at Inkermann, the tone of winch answer may be judged of by Lord Raglan's remark on reading it, and handing it to us " to read, Not a very satisfactory letter, I think." It was in courteous terms, but taking the high line, contradicting the assertion, but saying, At the same time that, if such acts had been committed, they would have been justified by the previous acts of the Allies, in having fired on a church in the town. "About 11 p.m., I took my leave (and a very affectionate one it was on the part of all), and started in a very thick fog for Balaclava, to which I had great difficulty in finding my way, though accompanied by a corporal of Lord Raglan's escort who knew it better than I did. On my road, I called at Lord Lucan's tent, and found him in bed, but had an equally warm parting with him, and many kind expressions as to the way in which I had served under him.

Nov. 10. - Blew so hard that we could not get could not get far away for fear out of the harbour. I of missing the ship sailing; but I fell in with Jem Macdonald, who was also embarking with the Duke, and had a long stroll with him.

Nov. 11. - The weather moderated, so we sailed at 1 p.m. to-day in theAndes

, and soon lost sight of our enemy's coast. My journal must now close, to be resumed again, on my return to the Crimea.

549 PAGET, George

See CRIDER p.98. ] PAGET ACCOUNT fr CRIDER p56Source: The Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea, by Paget, 188] , pp. 68-74. Diary entry, October 25, evening: "Things remained for about an hour [Ed. note: until 12: 00 noon] ", when the Light Brigade advanced down the valley, in rear of the position we had lost. We rode at a fast trot for nearly two miles" without support, flanked by a murderous fire from the hills on each side. Well, at last we got up to their guns and cavalry, and took the former (nine I counted), sabred some of the drivers, and, to our horror, then found that we were not supported!Diary entry, October 26, 1: 00 PM: REDACTED: comments addressing interruption in narrative. "Thus we were a mile and a half from any support, or ranks of course broken (most, indeed, having fallen), with swarms of cavalry in front of us and round us. Such a scene it would be useless to describe. We had got beyond their guns, at the entrance of a sort of wildish gorge, when, finding it useless to proceed, our fellows turned round to go back, and about we went. At this moment, however, seeing a lot of their cavalry coming on us, within fifteen yards, I holloaed to them (the remnants of the 4'" and H", the only regiments then in front) to"front", which they right gallantly did, when a cry arose, "They are coming down on us in our rear, my lord; " and to our consternation we saw a regiment of Lancers (fresh disengaged ones) formed up in our rear, between us and our retreat. The case was now desperate. Of course, to retain the guns was out of the question. We went about again and had to cut away through this regiment, which had skilfully (sic) formed so as to attack us in flank (our then right flank). I holloaed, "Left shoulder forward!" but my voice was drowned, and I hesitate not to say that had that regiment behaved with common bravery not one of us would have returned. I am no swordsman, but was fortunately enabled to disengage myself and get through them, and I had the worst of it, for in the melee I had got on the right flank (that exposed to them), and my horse was so dead-beat that I could not keep up, and saw the rest gradually leaving me at each step. Well, having got by them, we had to ride back a mile, through the murderous fire we had come through, of guns, shells, and . Minie rifles from the hills of brushwood on each side; and all I can say is, that here I am, but how any of us got back, I don't know. Cardigan led the first line, 11th, 13th, and 17th ; I led the second line, the 4th and 8th . Cardigan came up to me before, and said, "You must give me your best support." We rode in this disposition for perhaps a third ofa mile, when the 8th Hussars would gradually incline away to our right, though I continually holloaed to them to keep to us. During the advance, however, the 11th dropped in rear of the 13th, which brought the former8th having gradually fallen to our rear. When I, with the 11th and the 4th, got to the guns, and saw all their host advancing, I looked in vain for the first line, and could never account for them, till I came back and said, "I am afraid the 13th and 17th are annihilated, for I saw nothing of them, " when I found that the few of them remaining had returned, unobserved by me, by ones and twos, and that they had got back first; so that in fact, when we had got to the end of this horrid valley, the 11th and 4th were the last left there. We turned out in the morning about 700 strong, and in counting losses when we got back we counted 191. Not an officer of the 4th escaped without himself or his horse being wounded. Poor Halkett, we believe, killed. He was struck down in the advance; Sparke missing, supposed to have been sabred in the melee at the end, * and Hutton shot in both thighs and his horse wounded in eleven places" in three of four polaees, and I had a shot through my holster. My poor orderly, a fine fellow, who not five minutes before had been brandishing his sword, and having lost me in the melee, holloaed out, "Where's my chief?"-certainly the last words he could have spoken-was knocked over, as well as my trumpeter, both by my side. Every trumpeter in the regiment, and two sergeant-majors out of three knocked over. Oh, how nobly the fellows behaved! At one time wer were between four tires or rather four attacks-right and left, front and rear. That is, a heavy fire from the right and left, and cavalry in front and rear; and during all this time the fellows kept cheering! The 13th I suffered the most, the 4th next. Alas! Alas! it was a sad business, and all without result, or rather with the result of the destruction of the Light Brigade. It will be the cause of much ill blood and accusation, I promise you. There is, or rather was, an officer named Captain Nolan, who writes books, and was a great man in his own estimation, and who had already been talking very loud against the cavalry, his own branch of the service, and especially Lucan. Well, he rides up to Lucan with a written order signed "R. Airey, " saying the cavalry were to recapture the guns taken in the morning. Lord Lucan says, "But what guns?" on which he insultingly replied: "There is your enemy, my lord." Cardigan most gallantly led us on, arriving himself first at the guns. Nolan-the principal cause of this disaster-was the first man killed. After this hard day (over about one o'clock) we were not allowed to go back to our lines till 5 P. M., though only 500 yards off, and none of the men or horses had had anything to eat since the night before. REDACTED: comments re Heavy Brigade charge, thievery of Turks, and capture and surrender of a horse. Our return was really a sort of triumph, the troops cheering us as we came up, and the fellows rushing forward to shake hands with us on our escape. As for myself, I take no credit-I was ordered to go on, and go i must, but that in the whole of that devoted brigade there was not one mane who hesitated was a noticeable fact now that one looks back at it. Paget's notations: * He was a bad rider and rode a fractious horse, and, as I afterwards heard, was seen at that time in difficulties with his horse. ** Lots of little wounds, hardly to be called wounds, were reported to me by my servant, in the engagement. They appeared as if caused by small splinters of stone, ricocheting on him, from a missile hitting the ground. He had a number of these little spots, just drawing blood.

550 PAINE, J

Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, Vol 48, No 193, Spring, 1970 Journal - 1970by C J. Flint-Shipman (Editor)

551 PALIN, John

From an article by T. Colley, "Campaigning in Two Hemispheres. Recollections of a Cheshire Dragoon", which appeared in the "Cheshire Life" magazine [unknown date] : "In the ancient and rapidly changing town of Altrincham, Cheshire, resides one of the now few remaining Balaclava Heroes, Mr. John Palin, who was formerly in the 4th (Queen's Own) Light Dragoons (now the Hussars) that famous old corps raised originally in 1685 as "Princess Anne of Denmark's Dragoons" and that fought against Dundee, Mar, Soult, Ney and Akbar Khan before, to the later battle honours "Dettigen", "Talavera", "Albulhera", "Salamanca", "Vittoria", "Toulouse", and "The Peninsula", "Afghanistan", "Ghuznee", were added those of the "Alma", "Balaclava", "Inkerman", and "Sebastopol. "Our veteran was born in Malpas, Cheshire, in 1828, and when a youth saw with delight the muster of the now extinct North Salopian Yeomanry Cavalry at Coventry. Coming to Manchester as a young man of 20 [sic] in 1848, Mr. Palin was captivated by the sight of the recruiting sergeants and determined to enlist. First he fancied the uniform of the Dragoon Guards, but changed his mind, and took the Queen's shilling in the old 4th Light Dragoons. The regiment had returned home in 1842; its original uniform, scarlet, with green facings, now changed to blue, faced with scarlet, the blue overalls were edged with double scarlet stripes; round the waist was a Lancer girdle or "pass" of red and yellow, the khurtka had pointed cuffs, epaulettes, and shoulder scales; the broad-topped shako bore a Maltese cross in front, and was secured by lines of yellow cord, with white ends encircling it twice; then the plume was of white horse-hair; those of the officers made from ostrich feathers, and costing some £20. The undress cap had a mushroom button and a round peak. The shabraques were rounded; the officers having a broad edging of scarlet and gold lace; the front bore V. R and a crown. the hinder part the monogram of "Q. O." encircled by sprays of laurel; the flounces were black and the bridles had crossed face straps and a brass crescent. The standards were carried as kettle-drum banners, according to light cavalry rule, they were also dark blue, bearing in rich gold embroidery the regimental device, "V. R." below a crown, and the, at that period, eight battle honours. The arms were Mounts sabre, and smooth-bore capped muzzle-loading carbine (borne in a short bucket fixed below the off-side wallet on mounted parades and swivelled to a loop on the pouch-belt for dismounted drill). Mr. Palin soon mastered the sword and carbine exercises, and passed the riding school. The Fourth was sent to Dublin; there the overall trouser stripes were changed to yellow; much to the delight of the troopers as the muddy streets frequently obliged them to have them renewed, a deduction of 4/- for a new pair of scarlet stripes from their scanty pay hitherto an usual occurrence. The Queen's Own returned to England and lay at Birmingham during the summer and autumn of 1852. One wet evening in November a mud-splashed orderly rode into the barracks with sabretache on. Our veteran guessed that marching orders had come, and in a short time the regiment was mustered and ordered to prepare for route-marching to London, Trooper Palin being commanded by his Troop Sergeant Major to ride No. 32, a vicious horse. By this time he had become so expert that once being timed by his captain he turned out completely equipped in marching order in 20 minutes. The rain fell in torrents during the march, and at the halting place No. 32 broke loose in the stables and kicked a door to pieces. During the funeral of the late Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of Wellington, the 4th was on duty in street parties, without plumes, and in review order. Mr. Palin was posted at the junction of a side-street near Constitution Hill for several hours. He had taken the precaution before leaving barracks to slip a packet of sandwiches into his shako and a bottle of ale into a wallet, and when unobserved by his officers he took hasty and surreptitious bites and sips. In the sad and stately pageant which on that cold 18th of November slowly marched from the Horse Guards to St. Paul's were squadrons from four cavalry corps, two years afterwards to be, like the 4th Light Dragoons, engaged in the bloody combat at Balaclava - 8th Hussars, 13th Light Dragoons, 17th Lancers and the 11th Hussars. Our old neighbour also relates how, as the late Duke's favourite charger (carrying in the stirrups the jackboots reversed) was led close by Apsley House he whinnied piteously. During the summer of 1853 the Queen's Own was at the Chobham Camp, and from its members being dapper little men and fraternising with the Royal Horse Guards the corps got the nick-name of the "Little Blues. When the Crimean expedition was despatched in 1854 the 4th Light Dragoons embarked on bloc at Devonport on the 18th of July numbering 20th officers, 299 non-commissioned officers and men, in six troops, under Colonel Lord G. A. Paget. as chief and Major Halkett as second-in-command. After an interesting voyage and a delightful sail through the Dardenelles, the 4th landed at Gallipoli, and encamped at Varna. Some non-commissioned officers and men died here of cholera. The Allied Fleet departed for the Crimea on September the 7th, and on the 19th, the forces were landed on Russian soil near the Bulganak River. The Queen's Own was not engaged in the first skirmish, and left kits, sabretaches and valises on board the transports. Next day it was in reserve with a battalion of the Rifle Brigade during the battle of the Alma. Mr. Palin, like so many other Crimean veterans - severely blames Field Marshal Lord Raglan for not making a cavalry raid after his victory, into Sebastopol, the ramparts being only three feet high, the guns without carriages, the batteries still wanting embrasures, and the garrison consisting solely of a few sailors armed with boarding-pikes and old flint-lock pistols, dismounted Cossacks, etc. Nothing, he says, could have prevented the Allies from entering. The 4th Light Dragoons, together with the other regiments of the Heavy - and Light Brigades of General Lord Lucan's Cavalry Division, were employed in conveying the wounded to the shore, reconnoitring, etc., Mr. Palin, with a party, raided a kutor, or farmstead, set in vineyards, seized several arabas, or carts, laden with bags of flour, and brought the farmer, handcuffed, to head-quarters on suspicion of being a spy. The charge being proved, he was shot. The Light Brigade had by now, in the field, discarded stocks and epaulettes, the kits, when landed, were found to have been broken open by the sailors on its transports and many articles stolen. On that memorable morning, October 25th, the Light Brigade had paraded very early and from a hill-side enviously watched the magnificent stand of the 93rd in their "thin red line, " and as Scarlett's Heavy Brigade rolled up and scattered the masses of Russian cavalry. The Colonel of the 4th had suggested dismissing them for breakfast, but when a Russian Battery opened fire. one shot flying high, the order to retire was given when another ball passed in between Lord George Paget and the regiment's medical officer and went clean through the chest of a troop horse in the rear rank. The rider was about to take the saddle off his dead nag, but the Colonel shouted, "Hang that. Look out for yourself, man. "Scarcely had the Brigade taken up a fresh alignment when Captain Nolan, A. D. C. galloped up with General Airey's note which was so fatefully interpreted. The Brigade went into the North valley, 673 strong, the 4th riding in the second line on the right, slightly in the rear of Lord Cardigan's 11th Hussars, being flanked on the right hand by the 8th, (three troops. )Mr. Palin graphically describes how Captain Nolan piloted the first line down the valley, his scarlet cap and 15th Hussar uniform making him conspicuous, and he was the first to be shot, his faithful Arab charger bearing the erect, rigid corps back to the Allied lines. Cardigan, after charging in amongst the Russian gunners, prominent by his red whiskers, Hussar uniform and his chestnut charger, passed the Fourth on his return to the succour of the Heavy Brigade. Upon nearing the guns one of the Captains cheered up the Fourth with a "Tally-ho." The hitherto even line now broke into knots of furious horsemen fighting, hand-to-hand, with the Russian artillery men. Our veteran says that the trooper's swords were turned by the thick brown overcoats and flat caps of the enemy, and points were made at hands or face. Here a brace of pistols per cavalryman would have proved invaluable. Some of the officers used theirs with deadly effect, there being no time to unsling carbines. One young Cornet returned his sword, coolly dismounted, and attempted single-handedly to detach a brass cannon from its limber and harness when the Russian artillery men were trying to drag it away. For this the Colonel both blamed and admired him, Then, after driving in retreat a dense mass of Muscovite horse in the rear of its battery, the Light Brigade, now shattered, but not subdued, made its way back through the same deadly fire, in small groups, in twos or threes or man by man, wounded or unwounded, on horseback or on foot, riderless charger or dismounted trooper, to the crest of the Causeway Heights where the sad muster was called; All that was left of them, Left of Six Hundred. The twenty minute action had dwindled a compact and well-appointed force to a mounted strength of 195. Out of the 12th officers (1 Colonel, 1 Major, 4 Captains, 2 Lieutenants and 4 Cornets) who charged with the 4th, Major Halkett and Lieutenant Sparke were killed, also 32 non-commissioned officers and men; Captains Brown and Hutton were severely wounded (the latter's charger had 12 wounds) and 12 non-commissioned officers and men were wounded. As Lord George Paget, one of the few un-scathed, rode slowly and sadly back to the point were the scattered corps were reforming, he had feared that the 13th Light Dragoons and the Seventeenth Lancers had been totally destroyed, but was reassured when he saw the fluttering banderoles of the 17th's stacked lances on the hill-crest, where the scarcely answered muster rolls were being called. Then came the final parting of many a trooper from his horse as so many horses were too badly injured and had to be shot by the farriers. Several riderless horses were assembled by the "Feed" call. The unwounded or able officers brought round to the men bottles of wine and boxes of cigars. It is noteworthy that Mr. Palin was the last mounted man of the Brigade who came back from the "mouth of hell, " and as his grey mare slowly struggled up the ridge to join the broken remnants of the Light Brigade regiments he called out to the Sergeant-Major of his regiment, who had folded up and pocketed the roll, "Sergeant Major, there's Brown coming up on foot, and Rogers as well, but his nag has fallen. "Our old neighbour states that his rolled cloak, which was buckled beneath the wallets, was riddled with bullet holes, and three bullets had passed through the flat water calabash slung beneath his right arm. The broken saddles were cut up, and the woodwork burnt. The scattered wreck of the five corps which had comprised the scanty ranks of Lord Cardigan's Brigade were not now more than a single strong regiment, and were formed into a squadron which was nicknamed the "Piebald, " from the various colours of its mounts. At Inkerman it was posted in flank of the 33rd Foot and supporting the French cavalry under General Bosquet. Lord George Paget was in command at first, as Lord Cardigan had over-slept himself on board his luxuriously fitted yacht in the harbour. The squadron had five killed and five wounded in the battle. During the hardships of that rigorous winter of 1854/55, the light cavalry was still kept at the front on escort and patrol duties. Many of the horses died from insufficient food; they even ate each others manes and tails, and their riders were, when supplies came, often fighting each other for a handful of grain, a few green coffee beans or a wisp of hay. One bitterly bleak morning Mr. Palin and a few of his mates were preparing a pot of Irish stew. A scrap of meat had been purchased for 4/-, four onions for a shilling and some potatoes had been stolen. A savoury meal was eagerly anticipated when the order came for the light cavalry to march to a new position. With muttered curses the famished troopers remounted, our old Cestrian snatching up the camp kettle and placing it in his nose-bag. Riding past one of the officers to rejoin the ranks, the latter remarked, "You have something which smells very good, Pamplin [?] , I think I must dine with you today." "Thank you, Sir, but we cannot afford the pleasure of your company, our dinner has already cost us five shillings and we may not yet get to eat it. "Presently the ragged cohort was halted on the edge of a commanding slope and ordered to dismount and stand at ease. One dragoon cut a trench with his sword. This was soon stuffed with compressed hay and roofed with iron bands. A blazing fire was soon kindled and the stew warmed up and despatched. The camp of the 71st and 74th Highland Light Infantry was near to that of the "Piebald Squadron" and the pipers were often roundly cursed by the weary troopers as "ere the morning star" they strutted out and blew the reveille, "Johnny Cope. "One of the Privileges of the Royal Scots Greys was that of selecting mounts from the grey troop horses of any cavalry regiment encamped near them. The 4th, in 1855, had been increased to eight troops of sixty men each, and the chief of the Greys came round the lines of "Paget's Irrregular Horse" to choose nags. When he was passing Trooper Palin, who was currying his hardy mare, the trooper said - "Beg pardon, Sir; but have you such a mount as this in the Greys." "No, thank goodness." "Nor such a man as I." "No, I should be ashamed if we had such scare-crows." To the delight of his own commanding officer, Palin retorted, "Then you must have a pretty rubbishy lot." The Heavy Dragoon walked away, indignant, but the officer of the 4th returned shortly to his own lines and gave our veteran a crown to drink the health of the "Queen's Own" with. The Light Brigade was augmented by the 10th Hussars and the 12th Lancers and frequently skirmished with the Cossacks and performed much valuable orderly and picket duty during the assault on Sebastopol, for which the seven regiments were granted the fourth Crimean honour. "Paget's Irregular Horse" during the campaign received as re-inforcements 7th officers, 345 N. C. O. 's and men, thus making a total of 27th officers and 644 N.C.O.'s and men. Of this aggregate, 3rd officers and 127 N. C. O. 's and men had left their bones to moulder in a foreign land, being slain or dying from wounds or disease, and 11th officers and 73 N. C. O. 's and men had to be sent home. The "Queen's Own" returned to England in 1856, and were reviewed by her Majesty. Many of the bales of warm clothing, etc., which had been sent out to the Crimea by generous and praying hearts at home never reached the camp. A package of black trousers was brought back home and distributed amongst the ragged troops of the 4th., and for this the Quartermaster was reprimanded and his charge cancelled: but he still charged 4d. to every man for foot-straps. The uniform of the Queen's Own was now changed; the tunic with scarlet facings and five rows of yellow braid took the place of the khurka, half-leather overalls had displaced cloth, and a French style of truncated shako, with straight peak and white plume were adopted, secured around the neck. Plain brown bridles were supplied. In 1860 Mr. Palin secured his discharge from the 4th, which in 1861 became the present Hussar regiment. At this period the American Civil War broke out, and the heaving portents of the times induced our veteran to visit the United States and so in 1862 he crossed the Atlantic employed on a steamer. The Federal Government was now making every effort to crush the Confederates. The vast armies were recruited by enlistment of immigrants and also by conscription. In 1864 the bounty offered at Castle Gardens, New York, was 600 dollars. These recruits were uniformed in Federal blue (the original picturesque variety worn at the outbreak of the war being now almost abandoned) taught to load and fire point-blank, and then sent to the front. The 25th Regiment of New York Cavalry, and soon to be in General Army of Virginia, was being recruited, but did not take part in the battle of Waynesboro'. In 1864 Mr. Palin again enlisted into a cavalry Corps. This consisted of 12 troops - each with an establishment of 91 of all ranks - one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one orderly sergeant, four sergeants, seven corporals, one bugler, one saddler and 71 privates. The arms were swords, with black belts and knots, and a light breech-loading carbine, (only four pounds in weight) called the "Burnside." The uniform was a dark blue jacket, light blue overalls, with yellow piping and welt, a kepi with black water-proof cover; the N. C. O. 's having chevrons on both arms, the seniors being surmounted by a fesse. Here Mr. Palin found an old comrade of the 4th L. D. in the ranks [PB: who was this?] . Our veteran's skill, courage and experience and general aptitude soon caused his rapid promotion in Troop "L" to senior sergeant. He took part in several skirmishes about the Chenany River and the Shenandoah Valley, and in an encounter at Madison Court-house he was captured prisoner-of-war by the Confederates and spent two months in Libby Prison. Here his bon-homie and tact gained for him the good will of his custodians, he first volunteering when white-washers on a wall were required, then being granted a pass to visit the neighbouring town. Here he transacted many errands and other transactions for his fellow captives and guards, who allowed him plenty of food, etc., in fact so much so, that on being exchanged his wife and friends were surprised to find him so hearty and in funds, having heard dreadful stories respecting the sad conditions at this and at Andersonville of the Federal prisoners. When Sergeant Palin rejoined his regiment he learned that on the very day of his being taken prisoner he had been promoted to Sergeant-Major, but the vacancy had been obliged to be filled immediately, so the warrant was given to another. Shortly afterwards the 25th New York Y, . C. was "mustered out of the Federal Service" as the war ended. An illustrated Military Register of the Troop, given to each man on its disbandment, states amongst casualties, etc., that 21st of its 72 privates had deserted. After some time spent working in the Navy Yard at New York, our hardy campaigner then became a gentleman's coachman, and his many wanderings by land and sea finally brought him to Altrincham about 1893, he faithfully, and with universal respect, followed the occupation of a cab-driver until, meeting with an accident, he was laid up, and relinquished his appointment. The United States Government had granted him a war pension and the Patriotic Fund, subscribed for some five years before, had also granted him a share. At church and other gatherings our veteran wears his Crimean War medal with four clasps- "Alma", "Inkerman", "Balaclava" and that for "Sebastopol", suspended by its white and yellow ribbon, together with the Turkish decoration; with its green and crimson ribbon, whilst at parades, route-marching or just the passing through the town of the Yeomanry or Volunteers he is always an interested spectator, his criticisms always being mingled with praise. Before he lost his teeth he was a favourite reciter at local entertainment's of Tennyson's "Charge of the Light Brigade, " and similar poems, and twenty years ago, in the fine uniform of the D. L. C. Y. C. upon a platform, he was a thrilling elocutionist. On Jubilee Day 1897, he was one of the band that saluted the Queen as she passed along Fleet Street. Now, although as might be expected, the slow advance of old age and the many vicissitudes of his hard life are visible in ex-Sergeant Palin's form and features he is most interesting company, and possesses a fund of anecdotes dealing with the historic past. "

552 PALIN, Palim 1381

From THE BALACLAVA HEROES /THEIR IMPRESSIONS OF THE JUBILEE/ CHATS ABOUT THEIR CAREERS. London Daily News 25 June 1897. doc "THE BALACLAVA HEROES London Daily News 25 June 1897. doc"Samuel Brown 4LD, James Olley, David Grantham, John Whitehead, Shepherd, Warr, Monepenny, Briggs, Palim [Palin] , William Cullen

JON PALIM [sic? Palin]

IN PRAISE OF WHISKY.

John Palim came in as I was leaving. He went through the American War as well as the Crimea, and in the former was taken prisoner. "But I didn't mind it a bit, I got double rations all the time." Later on: "Oh, we have had a beautiful time, and Mr. Roberts, he is a kind gentleman." Was he wounded? "No, never in his life. And what is more, sir, I've never had a day's illness in my life." "Are you a teetotaler?" "Teetotaler! teetotaler! " and he broke out I into a merry laugh. "Not me. No; nor yet a non-smoker neither. When I was a nipper I had small beer, and I suppose it must be sixty a years ago that I took to whisky, which I've stuck to ever since. As for smoking, I've been at that for fifty-eight years - briar as a rule but a clay for a treat. I used to chew as well as smoke, but I've dropped that. You t should see me put away bacon and eggs at breakfast!"

557 PARKES, Samuel

[CHECK against CRIDER p.100 - the same? Also see version in old LC appendix IV] Samuel Parkes VC, formerly 4th Light Dragoons said: Lord George Paget. . called out to some officers near him "Where is Lord Cardigan?"and I then heard some one (who I always believed and now believe was Captain Low) say "Lord Cardigan has gone back some time. . . "

PB I found these online.

Check against pdf of book.

[Source: Extracts from the Letters and Journal of General Lord George PagetPaget biography: http: //www. historyhome. co. uk/forpol/crimea/people/paget. htmPaget letter extracts: http: //www. historyhome. co. uk/forpol/crimea/paget/pagetbala. htmThese edited extracts are from Paget's own account, The Light Cavalry Brigade in the Crimea Extracts from the Letters and Journal of General Lord George Paget (John Murray, 1881). This document has been taken from its primary location on The Victorian Web]

(2) It was about this time that my orderly, Private Parkes, a fine specimen of an Englishman, about six feet two inches high, who had lost sight of me in the mêlée, came rushing past me, his sword up in the air, and holloaing out, "Where's my chief?" to which I answered, "Here I am, my boy, all right, " - the last I saw of him, for he had his horse shot under him, was himself wounded, and afterwards take prisoner. [back]

P. S. - I have said that my orderly, Parkes, was wounded and taken prisoner, as was also my trumpeter, Crawford. They returned to us from Russia, in December 1855, at Scutari, and from them I heard some very graphic details, both of the battle, and also of what subsequently befell them in captivity. They had neither of them, it appears, been unhorsed till on their way home, and both when near each other. They then ran on foot (Crawford being slightly wounded) for a long way towards home, when Parkes was shot in his sword-hand and had to give himself up. During their progress they were attacked by several parties, consisting of three or four Cossacks each, who, however, always kept at a respectful distance. On one of the last occasions a Russian officer rode up, and, seeing that they were about to be roughly handled, said to Parkes in English, "If you will give yourself up, you shall not be hurt, " which, however, he declined to do. Shortly after, he was wounded and was thus compelled to do so, and then seeing the officer still near him, he placed himself and Crawford under his protection, and they were taken by him to General Liprandi's tent, when he was asked by the General a great many questions as to the English army, their position, numbers, etc., as Parkes stated in his blunt way, "We tried all we could to deceive the General, " who (though in a joking way, as he described it) said, "You are a liar, and I know more about the English than you will tell me. "The General would hardly believe that he was a Light Dragoon (he was about six feet two inches high), and said, " If you are a Light Dragoon what sort of men are your Heavy Dragoons?"Liprandi then said that it was well known that all the Light Brigade were drunk that morning; and when Parkes assured him that neither he nor any of his comrades had put a morsel of food or drop of drink in their mouths that day, he said, "Well, my boy, you shall not remain in that state long, " and he called to an aide-de-camp and told him to give the prisoners a plentiful allowance of food and drink. They were the next day started off for the interior of Russia, marching on foot most of the way, and though at first they were not treated with much consideration, the treatment became better as they went on, resulting ultimately in every sort of kindness and attention from every one, Parkes winding up his description thus: "Ay, my Lord, the officers were not ashamed of being seen walking about with us. "Parkes likewise told us that there was a rifleman behind every bush in the end of the valley, taking pot shots at us as we approached, which fact he learned from the Russians. He also told me that when he and Crawford were running home together, they fell in with Halkett, whom they found with a bad body wound (this must have been some time after all the firing had ceased). In accordance with his cries, Crawford lifted him on to Parkes' back, and he carried him a short distance, when, to save himself from attacks from the Cossacks, knots of whom were hovering around, he was forced to let him down and leave him. In returning shortly after, as prisoners, they found him dead and naked, with the exception of his jacket.

569 PARKES, Samuel

Also in old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"PARKES ACCOUNT fr CRIDER p58Source:

Affidavit filed in the Cardigan v Calthorpe lawsuit fr unident press clippings courtesy of Rod Burman

AFFIDAVIT of SAMUEL PARKES, formerly of Her Majesty's 4th Light Dragoons, and now Inspector of Hyde Park, stationed at Stanhope Gate, London. Sworn 27th May, 1863. Filed 2nd June 1863. SAY, 1. I was twenty-six years and four months in the service, and l have got the Victoria Cross. i remember the charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade on the 25th of October, 1854, at Balaklava. I acted as orderly to Lord George Paget on that day, and took part in the charge. I saw Lord Cardigan come from the Heavy Cavalry Brigade, ride through the right of our squadron, and heard him give orders to Lord George Paget that the Light Brigade should advance, and he ordered them to trot-gallop. At this time the lst line was about 250 yards in front of our line. We then all charged, and as we each passed the redoubts on the right and left they fired on us. When our line arrived past the redoubts and the smoke had cleared away, we saw no sign of the 1st line, and we could not imagine what had become of them. We continued our charge and reached the guns in front of us, and got through them and cut down the gunners and drivers, and succeeded in silencing the guns. While we were so engaged, we observed that the 11th Hussars were being cut up by the enemy, and a number of the 4th Light Dragoons, together with Lord George Paget and myself, charged clown to their support: we then observed the Russians to fall back, but at same time we saw a regiment of lancers to our rear. Lord George Paget thought they were the 17th Lancers, but on discovering they were the enemy's troops, he called out to some officer near him, "Where is Lord Cardigan?" and I then heard some one (who i have always believed, and now believe, was Captain Lowe) say, " Lord Cardigan has gone back some time." Lord George Paget then ordered us to get through the Russians the best way we could, and we then retreated through the Russian cavalry, who opened out right and left, let us pass, and showed us no resistance. When we were retreating, and just after I had passed the left redoubt, my horse was shot, and I was attacked by Cossacks. I defended myself for a long time, but at length while engaged with a Cossack a shot struck the hilt of my sword and wounded my hand; two Russian officers galloped up to me and took me prisoner, and brought me at once to General Liprandi. In the evening he sent for me and for three others, and asked as several questions relative to our position and strength, and also asked if we had not been made drunk before the charge. He further asked if that was Lord Cardigan who went to the rear on the chesnut [PB: sic?] horse with white legs; we said "Yes; " and he then said, If he had not had a good horse, he never would have got back." The water-kegs, havresacks, &c. were taken from the other prisoners, but the General gave orders that mine should not be taken, and nothing was taken from me but my scabbard and belt. From the time we commenced to charge I did not again see Lord Cardigan till my return to England. He gave no order to our line, except the order to charge, as before stated.

558 PARKES,

His affidavit in Cardigan-Calthorpe criticised in Cardigan's pamphlet: [transcribed PB April 2016] 14. Samuel Parkes -- 4th Light Dragoons, corroborates the statement with regard to General Liprandi. Heard no order given by Lord Cardigan except the order to charge. Why should he? -- No evidenceOf course not.

564 PEARSON, William 1353

Letters written from The Crimea to his parents by Private William Pearson with commentaries and additional news by the various newspapers which published them

Kendal Mercury 2 September 1854A Penrithian at Varna William Pearson, a Penrith youth, belonging to `The Queen's Own Light Dragoons, ' writing from Varna to his mother, under date of the 14th ult., says - `We are now in camp on the plains of Varna, close to the sea-side. We do not know the hour we may be called away to storm the city of Sebastopol. It is generally thought it can be very easily taken; and we are all very anxious to have a slap at them as soon as possible, and then get back to old England again. We are not any of us afraid of facing the Russians; but I am sorry to say that the cholera is very bad, and that many both of ours and the French soldiers have died of it, but I am happy to say that I have escaped so far, and trust I shall do so. There is a young man here in the 6th Dragoons from Pooley; his name is Currie (His father lives with Captain Hamilton). We are four miles from the town of Varna, across the water. When I was on guard on Thursday, there was a fire broke out, and it is burning yet. Half of the town is burned down; and the worst of it is, some of our stores are burned where the bread and biscuit is kept. All the powder and ball is got away safe; but a great deal of our horses' hay and corn is destroyed. There have been several parties taken up. The Greeks are suspected to have done it on purpose to destroy what the English and French soldiers had to live on, and the ammunition we have to fight with. God be thanked, they have not hurt us much!' We heartily wish this brave young fellow a speedy and happy return victorious from the wars. [Source: Wendy: http: //shadowsoftime. co. nz/williampearsonletters1. html (accessed 14. 12. 2014)]

Letter from Private William Pearson (number 1353), 4th Light Dragoons, to his parents. [82] Camp, near Sebastopol.

My Dear Parents, - Oct. 26. I take the pleasure (having stolen a few moments) to write these few lines to inform you that I am, God be thanks for it, enjoying good health, after having been engaged in a hard fought battle with the Russians on the 25th of October. I am, however, sorry to say that a great many of my poor comrades met with their death-wounds, but in an heroic manner. The Light Dragoon regiments got a dreadful cutting up, among which were my regiment (the 4th Light Dragoons), the 17th Lancers, the 8th Hussars, the 13th Light Dragoons and the 11th Hussars. Of the five regiments just mentioned we can scarcely muster what would complete one regiment. My regiment (the 4th Light Dragoons) came from England 300 strong and now we have not more than 100 left from deaths, from sickness, and killed in battle. However, what are left of us are all very thankful that we have been so fortunate, after the great hardships we have undergone since we left Old England. Oh! how thankful I am! Dear parents, I am sorry I have not much time now, as we expect every moment to go and attack the enemy, who are in sight of us. We gave them a great slaughtering yesterday, and at day-break this morning our big guns are at work slaughtering at Sebastopol, which has been the case for the last 12 days. A great many of the Russian artillery soldiers, together with many of the townspeople, have been killed, and the town set on fire. Dear mother, do not alarm yourself about me; I have a good opinion I shall see you again. I shall never forget the 25th of October - shells, bullets, cannon-balls [sic] , and swords kept flying around us. I escaped them all, except a slight

[134] scar on my nose from the bursting of a shell, and a slight touch on the left shoulders from a cannon-ball, after it had killed one of our horses; but, God be thanked, it did not disable me. The Russians fight hard and well, but we will make them yield yet. Dear Mother, every time I think of my poor comrades it makes my blood run cold, to think how we had to gallop over the poor wounded fellows lying on the field of battle, with anxious looks for assistance what a sickening scene! In one part of the battle I lost my horse, owing to the one in hem of me being shot dead, and my poor horse fell over it, and I was unhorsed; but, fortunately for me, I saw another that some poor fellow of the 8th Hussars had been killed from; I mounted it in a moment and was in the rank again. On our return from the charge I got my own horse again; he had galloped to the camp, and, dear parents, I was glad when I saw him there, as if I had got half the world given to me!Dear mother, after the battle of the Alma I wrote to

[censored] ; I hope she got the letter. Give my kindest love to her, as also to Mr. Grazebank [Wendy says "Greenbank"] and poor Agnes, grand-father &c. I have not time to say more, as things look rather queer, and as if we will soon be engaged again with the enemy. I hope to hear from you soon, and when I return to Old England, if God spares me, I will tell you all. Corrie, from Pooley Bridge, and Bob Mitchell, of Penrith Town-head are both well. I often think of you, and I am sure you daily pray for my safe return. Tell _____ to write to me. Will write again, but it is hard work to get stamps and paper. When I wrote to

[censored] , after the battle of the Alma, we had only lost two men: but in this battle we have lost the better half. But I keep in good heart. We have hitherto thrashed the Russians, and we shall do so again. [PB: Wendy's version continues: ] 'Britons never can be Slaves. ' Give my respects to Mrs. Chamney. Write soon, and address as before. I am, my dear Parents, Your affectionate son, William Pearson ]

[PB: Excerpts also appeared in the Bath Chronicle, 1854-11-28] [Source - probably Dawson - check and add. ] [Also copy in Dutton 2nd ed. p79. ]

Kendal Mercury 18 November 1854

Private Letter from a Penrith Lad at the Seat of WarCamp near Sebastopol. 26th Oct., 1854

My Dear Parents, -I take the pleasure (having stolen a few moments) to write these few lines to inform you that I am, God be thanked for it, enjoying good health, after having been engaged in a hard fought battle with the Russians on the 25th of October. I am, however, sorry to say that a great many of my poor comrades met with their death wounds, but in an heroic manner. The Light Dragoon regiments got a dreadful cutting up, amongst which was my regiment (4th Light Dragoons) 17th Lancers, 8th Hussars, 13th Light Dragoons, and the 11th Hussars; of the five light regiments just mentioned we can scarcely muster what would complete our regiment. My regiment, 4th Light Dragoons, came from England 300 strong, and now we have not more than 100 left from deaths from sickness, and killed in battle. However, what are left of us are all very thankful that we have been so fortunate, after the great hardships we have undergone since we left Old England. Oh! how thankful I am. Dear parents, I am sorry I have not much time now, as we expect every moment to go and attack the enemy who are in sight of us. We have them a great slaughtering yesterday, and at day break this morning our big guns are at work slaughtering at Sebastopol, which has been the case for the last 12 days. A great many of the Russian artillery soldiers, together with many of the townspeople, have been killed, and the town set on fire. Dear mother, do not alarm yourself about me, I have a good opinion I shall see you again. I shall never forget the 25th of October - shells, bullets, cannon balls, and swords, kept flying all around us. I escaped them all, except a slight scar on my nose from the bursting of a shell, and a slight touch on the shoulder from a cannon-ball, after it had killed one of our horses, but, God be thanked, it did not disable me. The Russians fight hard and well, but we will make them yield yet. Dear mother, every time I think of my poor comrades, makes my blood run cold, to think how we had to gallop over the poor wounded fellows lying on the field of battle, with anxious looks for assistance - what a sickening scene! In one part of the battle I lost my horse, owing to the one in front of me being shot dead, and my poor horse fell over it, and I was unhorsed; in getting up my horse took fright and got from me, but, fortunate for me, I saw another that some poor fellow of the 8th Hussars had been killed from, I mounted it in a moment and was in the rank again. On our return from the charge I got my own horse again, he had galloped to the camp, and, dear parents, I was as glad when I saw him there, as if I had got half the world given to me. Dear mother, after the battle of the Alma I wrote to

, I hope she got the letter; give my kindest love to her, as also to Mr. Greenbank, and poor Agnes, Grandfather, &c., &c. I have not time to say more, as things look rather queer, and as if we will be soon engaged again with the enemy. I hope to hear from you soon, and when I return to Old England, if God spare me, I will tell you all. Corrie, from Pooley Bridge, and Bob Mitchell, of Penrith Town Head are both well. I often think of you, and I am sure you daily pray for my safe return. Tell _____ to write to me. I will write again; but it is hard work to get stamps and paper. When I wrote to

, after the battle of the Alma, we had only lost two men, but in this battle we have lost the better half. But I kep in good heart. We have hitherto thrashed the Russians, and we shall do so again. `Britons never can be Slaves. ' Give my respects to Mrs. Chamney. Write soon, and address as before. I am, my dear Parents, Your affectionate son, William Pearson Kendal Mercury 2 June 1855Pearson, the Light Dragoon -This brave young soldier, several of whose letters have appeared in the local papers, and one of which was the foundation of an article in Blackwood's Magazine, has left Scutari, on his return to England, to be discharged as no longer fit for service.

Kendal Mercury 2 June 1855

Pearson, the Light Dragoon - A letter, of which the following is a copy, has recently been received from William Pearson by his parents in Penrith. Dear parents, -I once more (in this country) take the pleasure of writing to you. Since I wrote last I have been removed to Scutari from the Crimea. I came here on the 20th of April, and when I left the camp I wrote I was coming to England, but we were left here, and yesterday there was a board of doctor examined me and several more of my poor comrades who had been wounded. We expected to have left here this week, as they have returned us not fit for service; so, dear parents, I hope to be in Old England this month if God spares me so long. Since I wrote last I have had another attack of fever, but I am thankful to say I am getting quite well again, but I am a little lame yet from the loss of my toes. Dear parents, I have nothing particular to inform you of. Sebastopol is still standing, and the Russians fight hard yet, but it is thought that they will soon have to since another tune, as they are trying every dodge to make them fly from the Crimea or be killed. Thre are a great many killed every night. They wont come on fair ground and fight by day but they creep out at night in great tribes, and think to drop on our poor English and French soldiers, but they generally get the worst of it. Dear parents, I suppose this will be the last time I will write to you from this part of the world, but if I get safe to England I will write the first opportunity, and let you know what takes place. I am told I will be discharged by the doctors and I think I will myself, as I have lost four toes; but I will give you every information when I reach the old shore, as I hope I will safe. Give my love to my Grandfather, Agnes and Wm. Greenbanks, all my relatives, and every body in the little town. Dear mother and father I will conclude this in hopes of seeing you soon, as I am not able to fight for my country at present. Good by at present. I remain your affectionate son, William Pearson4th Light DragoonsAt present in Turkey but hopes to be in the old country soon.

[Source: Wendy: http: //shadowsoftime. co. nz/williampearsonletters1. html (accessed 14. 12. 2014)]

Kendal Mercury 23 June 1855Pearson, the Light DragoonAs considerable interest has from time to time been excited by a large portion of your readers for the welfare of W. Pearson, 4th Light Dragoons, for his heroic conduct at the seat of war, he having been engaged at all the battles, including the gallant but fatal cavalry charge at Balaklava, where all the chivalrous deeds of arms of Agincourt and Cressy were thrown into the shade by the brave and heroic conduct of the Light Cavalry Brigade, and for the many graphic letters he has written, and which have appeared in the Mercury; but in none of which, though he has been nearly frozen to death in the trenches, having been conveyed to the hospital by his comrades, as they thought, in a dying state, did he even breathe the least complaint against any party. This proves him a soldier under complete discipline. After having undergone all the fatigues and privations of the campaign last year, and during the past winter, he has just arrived at Chatham, from whence his father has received the following letter: -St. Mary's Barracks, Chatham, June 16, 1855. Dear father and mother, -It is with great pleasure I write to you once more in Old England. I landed on Wednesday last at Portsmouth, and am waiting here to go before the Board of Doctors. I think I am likely to be discharged; but, perhaps, it may not be for two or three months yet: but I will let you know more about it in my next letter. I hope to hear from you by return of post, and mind you let me know how you are all getting on at Penrith. Dear parents, I hope this will find you both well in health, as, thank God, this leaves me in that desired condition at present. Give my kind love to Agnes and William Greenbank, I hope they are both well. Tell Agnes I have a very pretty Turks cap for little Tom, and a pair of Turks stockings for little Hannah, and some tobacco for my poor father. Tell Agnes I will send the cap by post. You must give my love to all my friends in Penrith. I hope to be with you soon. I consider myself very fortunate to have been permitted to return to Old England again after three severe attacks of fever, losing my toes, and been in three desperate engagements with the enemy in a foreign land. Yet God has spared me to return home. Dear parents, in my last letter to you from the hospital at Scutari, I expected to have been in England at the end of last month, but the ship was not ready till the 19th, when we left. There are a great many poor invalids waiting here to be discharged. Some without legs, others without arms, and many like myself with frost-bitten feet. You must remember me to Mrs. Bewley, Mr. Scott, poor Old Grandfather, Mr. and Mrs. Lawson, and their sister Barbara. Hoping to hear from you soon, I must conclude this time, and beg to remain your affectionate son, Wm. Pearson, 4th Light DragoonsInvalided Depôt, Chatham [Source: Wendy: http: //shadowsoftime. co. nz/williampearsonletters1. html (accessed 14. 12. 2014)] Kendal Mercury 15 September 1855The Fall of Sebastopol - Great Public Demonstration in Penrith - . . . Several brave young men, natives of Penrith, have cheerfully borne their share in the dangers and hardships of the present war. There is poor Tom Bromley, whose graphic and pathetic letters must have struck every one who read them, and Lowther Stewart, too, and Harry Bromley, both of whom fell victims, not to Russian bayonets, but the pestilence; and last, not least, William Pearson, the Light Dragoon, who, after charging at the cannon's mouth, where the leaden shower rained death around him in the valley of Balaklava, has recently returned to England. What a pity he was not in Penrith on Tuesday night!

Liverpool Mercury Monday 5 November 1855

A private in the 4th light dragoons, named Pearson, arrived at his native place, Penrith, a few days ago, from the Crimea. Pearson was one of the very few who survived the fearful cavalry charge at Balaclava. At the railway station he was met by a multitude of his fellow-townsmen, and by a yeomanry band of music, and was chaired and carried shoulder height through the town to his poor mother's residence. . .

[Source: Wendy: http: //shadowsoftime. co. nz/williampearsonletters1. html (accessed 14. 12. 2014)]

The Lancaster Gazette and General Advertiser &c Saturday 10 November 1855

Arrival of a Crimean Hero at Penrith

- It having become generally known throughout the town that William Pearson of the 4th Dragoon Guards, a native of Penrith, would arrive home on Friday night last, by the elevn minutes past eight o'clock train, it was determined to give him a hearty welsome on his return from the war. The Westmorland and Cumberland Yeomanry Band were in attendance at the station and played several military pieces; and a blue, white, and red flag was hoisted amongst a dense crowd of the inhabitants; indeed it was calculated that the assemblage of people was larger than that at the same station when her Majesty passed through Penrith on her first visit to the Highlands. On his stepping out of the railway carriage a suitable chair awaited him; he at first refused to get into it, and said he would rather walk down home, but the crowd would not allow him to walk, and he was put into the chair and hoisted on the shoulders of four soldiers of the recruiting parties of the 56th and 29th Regiments, now at Penrith. The cheering of the crowd was deafening. He was preceded by the band, playing the favourite piece of 'Red, white and blue; ' two flags and a dense concourse of people, a number of whom were much hurt by being trampled upon. The procession then went from the station down Castle-gate into the Corn-market in Great Dockray, thence through the Market-square, down the front street to the 'New Crown, ' across the square, up past the Post Office to the door of Mr. Pearson's own house into the embraces of his mother, who wept tears of joy at the return of her only son and child from the scenes of war. Part of the crowd (with more heartiness than delicacy of feeling) also rushed into the house to witness the affecting meeting. The house was then cleared of strangers, and the vast assemblage began gradually to disperse. After having had refreshment at the table of his mother, the young soldier repaired to Mr. John Harrison's, the Lion and Lamb Inn, where in the large dining-room, a considerable number of his companions and fellow-townsmen were awaiting him, and hailed his return into the room with loud and long bursts of cheers, which being partially subsided, every one shook hands with him, heartily welcoming him home to his native place. During the remainder of the evening he recounted over to his friends the particulars of the 'grand cavalry charge' at Balaclava, and hair-breadth escapes he there made, &c. The loss of four toes by the frost last winter at the camp have fortunately not caused much lameness. He has been discharged with a pension of 5s. per week for life. We understood that he intends to join the Westmorland and Cumberland Yeomanry Cavalry. - Westmorland Gazette. [Source: Wendy: http: //shadowsoftime. co. nz/williampearsonletters1. html (accessed 14. 12. 2014)]

591 PORTAL, Robert

PORTAL ACCOUNT fr CRIDER (also in 3rd edn p.103)Source: Letters from the Crimea, letter to his mother dated 10-26-54, pp. 49-51.

REDACTED: Salutation and material pertaining to earlier events. "Well, about an hour afterwards we saw that their Cavalry had formed up in a line across the plain, with hills on both sides of it, about a mile from where our Light Cavalry was stationed; a certain Captain Nolan, who is well-known in the army, and who is A. D. C. to General Airey, and who is supposed to be a very dashing Cavalry officer, came up to Lord Lucan and said that the General desired the Light Cavalry would attack to their front at once. Lord Lucan and Lord Cardigan said: "It seems madness to attack at such a distance without sufficient support of Infantry and Artillery, and we don't know what they may have stationed among the trees on the sides of those hills." However, Nolan came back shortly afterwards with a written order, which he gave to Lord Lucan, that the Light Cavalry were to attack. ' The 13th and 17th and 8th then advanced, and at 400 yards followed the 4th and 11th." On we went at at steady pace at first, and then we saw the Russian Cavalry retiring, so all the men cheered and went on at a gallop. "' After we had ridden about a quarter of a mile from our starting point a most fearful fire opened on us from the hills on both sides of us; grape, shells, and minie balls fell like hail all round us, to say nothing of 18 lb. shot which whistled through our ranks, dealing death and destruction all around. The plain was soon covered with dead and dying horses, dismounted men, dead men, dead officers, in short, never was such a scene. on we still kept going, till at last we had all got so far that we had passed through this cross fire and found ourselves in the middle of all the Russian Cavalry; "" we also found nine guns retiring, """ we killed all the gunners, and would, had we had plenty of support instead of none, ****** have brought the guns all back with us. As it was, we soon discovered we were in a regular mess, that the Russian Cavalry were forming up in our front and rear, and that we were going to be hemmed in on every side. After going right through a regiment of Cossacks, a regiment of Lancers, and a regiment of Blue Hussars, we retired in perfect order"""' towards our position that we had come from, of course at full gallop. To do this we had to again pass through this murderous cross fire that I have already told you of, and I certainly, with everyone else who saw what we had to do, never thought for a moment that the few remaining of the Light Cavalry Brigade would ever reach our own position. If anything, the fire upon us going back was more severe than before; '"' " ' "" " the Infantry poured volleys of minie balls into us while the heavy guns sent every species of shot and shell into us. By a perfect miracle, I, among a few more, was not touched by anything, except a piece of shell caught me in the back, but it was quite spent and did not hurt me in the least. Our Major was killed. as also a Lieutenant Sparke; Captain Hutton shot through both thighs. To give you an idea of the loss sustained by the Light Cavalry Brigade, - in round numbers we mustered on parade 800 soldiers, "*""*" last night we numbered 180. I numbered in my troop this morning on parade ten mounted men. I have twenty left in the troop, but the horses are nearly all sick and wounded. Captain Nolan was shot dead the first shot, and we think it was a judgment on him for having been the cause of our getting into such a mess. Lord Lucan is dreadfully cut up about it, but says that he "can show the order in writing, which is his only comfort." The number of wounds and deaths among the officers is too horrid to think of. Poor Morris, who joined here a fortnight ago, having just recovered from his cholera attack at Varna, and who just succeeded to the command of the 17th Lancers in consequence of the sudden death by cholera of Major Willett, was shot in the head. I passed him lying on the ground when we were in full gallop, but of course could do nothing. He was found and brought in, and was not quite dead, but quite out of his mind. I must write to Arthur Taylor this mail about him. The horse I was riding (Paddy) was shot with a Minie ball through the fleshy part of the leg, but he brought me back all right nevertheless. It was altogether the maddest and most extraordinary order ever given to Cavalry, and there is to be an inquiry instituted at once. Lord Raglan, who came down here last night, was furious and said loudly that "the Cavalry had been wantonly sacrificed. "REDACTED: speculation and French comment on the Charge. I slew one Russian by running him Through the vitals with my sword; several more were scratched a little. If they had had any pluck at all, not one of us, if we had been ten times as strong, could ever have come back again. Ed. Notes: Portal's is the only account I have found which has Nolan giving a verbal order and returning shortly thereafter with a written one; returning from where one is wont to ask, as Lord Raglan was on the Sapoune Heights-too far to return to get a written order." ' Portal has the 8th Hussars in the first line during the Charge; they were, in fact, in the third line behind all regiments except the 4th Light Dragoons. *" ' No other account has the men giving a yell and going into a gallop on seeing the retreating Russian Cavalry; the Charge was initially at a slow pace because of the distance to be covered; it is unlikely that that someone in the third line could detect the activities of the Russian Cavalry through the copious clouds of smoke that obscured the guns; the men would never have broken ranks or the disciplined pace enforced by their commanders. "*" llow Portal got amongst the Russian Cavalry before getting to the guns is a conundrum; there were no Russians foolish enough to be in front of their own cannons while they were firing. ' "' " The Russians did not have time to retire the guns as they gave a volley just before the Light Brigade reached them. Why nine guns is another mystery, as most accounts list eight while a few list twelve. Although Portal decries the total lack of support, he fails to mention the French Chasseurs D'Afrique who silenced the battery on the Fedoukine Heights. "" " " " "' Portal's contention that they "retired in perfect order" defies logic and contradicts all other accounts of the return from the Charge. """" While it may have seemed to Portal that the fire was worse on the return, the actions of the French Chasseurs, and the silencing of the guns at the end of the valley, most surely reduced the volume of hostile fire." ' " " ' " " " Portal's figure of 800 being mustered that morning is in sharp contrast with Regimental returns which listed 673 men present on parade on 10-25-54.

596 PRICE, George Alfred

[CHECK against CRIDER p.104. ] also in 3rd ed p.104

PRICE - GA PRICE ACCOUNT IN ILN & DT 1875. doc"Subjoined is another extract from a private letter, sent by Mr. G. A. Price, 1174 of the "E" Troop, to one of his comrades: "All Captain Hutton could muster of the old "E" troop was twenty-eight, on the morning of the charge. We came back numbering seven. I was one of the seven. There is one little incident I well remember. On the night of the 24th the only shirt, drawers, and socks I was possessed of had been washed, and when we got the order to turn out, I did so minus shirt, drawers, and socks, leaving them on the bushes to dry, and while engaged in the charge, strange to say, I was even then thinking whether some Russian would have the pleasure of wearing my shirt. Captain Hutton led us up to the guns; it was poor Cornet Sparks and Sergeant-Major Hubert, who dismounted to cut the traces of the horses attached to the Russian guns. I saw them both fall. I was left quite alone once. My comrades were shot right and left of me. The last two men I saw fall were poor Tommy Houlton and Charley Marshall. I grieved very much for my horse, E 40, for, after bearing me through the charge without a scratch, he died of starvation, strange to say, with a sack of corn on his back. "

608 REILLY, John

Crider quotes a description of Reilly, Heneage, Poore and others p197 RSM REILLY?

794 REILLY,

There is a short section from Capt Robert Poore about Reilly's death in Dutton 2nd edn p82 FOLLOW UP

769 ROBERTS, William

From EJBA 4LD FILE VOL 2

William Roberts sent his sister a letter about the Charge fro Balclava: Camp, near Balaclava, 20th of January 1855.

Dear Sister, I now take the favourable opportunity of writing these few lines hoping to find you in the enjoyment of full health, as it leaves me at the present time, God be thanked for it. Dear Sister, I hope that when I tell you how I have been you will excuse me for not writing to you before. I have been very ill indeed for some time back, but I am a good deal better now. Dear Sister, I suppose you will have heard about the battle of Balaclava. I was engaged, but thank God I escaped without a scratch. We were attacked about half-past seven on the morning of the 25th of October. The Turks, who had batteries on the hills, kept them in check for better more than an hour and a half, but then they ran away, but in doing so unfortunately left a good position in the hands of the Russians. However, we retired a little way and the Heavy Brigade halted and first charged them, the Light Brigade moving on under the French entrenchments. The Heavy Brigade done a little mischief amongst them and as they retired the French fired a good few shots amongst them. Then the Light Brigade was brought up and charged a number of guns between the hills. The enemy advanced and opened up a tremendous cross-fire upon us and taking men and horses out of the ranks. . . (Here the paper is creased and the writing cannot be deciphered. ) The same fire was upon us coming back as going down and we alone lost upwards of 60 men and a good deal more horses as well. I cannot for the moment give you any account of Inkerman, but I will in my very next letter. Let me know if you heard from London lately. I remain, Your affectionate bro., William Roberts, 4th Light Dragoons.

[Source: Copy of letter sent to EJB by WR's great-grandson Mr. Richard Pike (1980s?). ]

641 SHEEHAN, Michael

Extract of a letter written from The Crimea to his sister by Private Michael Sheehan Morning Chronicle, Tuesday, 13 February 1855

Camp near Sebastopol, January 4, 1855

My Dearest and Loving Sister - I received your kind and welcome note on the 1st of January, and it gave me great pleasure to hear that you are all well and in good health, as it leaves me at present, thank God. I am very glad that you are taking care of yourself and keeping your situation, and I am also very thankful to your mistress for her kindness to you. I am also glad to hear that father, and mother, and sisters are in good health; and as for me and all of us, we are as happy as possible, and enjoying good health, thank God. We have plenty to eat, and plenty of warm clothes for the winter; we are all cheerful and happy, and hope you are the same. The only thing we feel cold with is, waiting to have another spree with the Russians. As for Sebastopol, we do not know when it will be taken; but it is as annoying to us as a big drum in an upstairs room, firing day and night, and we do not know whether we injure them or not, and they are the same with us, for the trenches hide our men from them; and if one of us chances to rise his head over the trench, there is not less than 50 shots fired at him at once. Dear sister, you need not put but three stamps on the letter, for you put six on the last; and I will not receive your cousin's letters, for I have left Scutari. Give my love to parents and friends, and accept the same yourself. I will conclude, and remain your ever loving brother, Michael Sheehan, 4th Light Dragoons. . .

645 SHORT, Frederick

From old LC appendix IV in Folder "OLD CRIDER ACCOUNTS APPENDIX IV"also 3rd ed p110NOT PROOFREADAlso part or all in Dutton 2nd ed p.84 [61] SHORT ACCOUNT fr CRIDERSource:

Affidavit filed in the Cardigan v Calthorpe lawsuit fr unident press clippings courtesy of Rod Burman

AFFIDAVIT of FREDERICK SHORT.

Troop Serjeant-Major of the 4th Hussars. C. Troop, now stationed at Newbridge in Ireland; sworn 29th May, 1863; filed 2nd June, 1863. SAY as follows: I. I have been Troop Serjeant-Major for eight years. The regiment now called the 4th Hussars was formerly called the 4th Light Dragoons. I was sergeant in the 4th Light Dragoons on the 25th October, 1854. 2. I remember the charge of the Light Cavalry Brigade at Balaklava on that day. I was on the extreme left of the right-h and squadron in the front rank during that charge, At the commencement of the charge the 8th Hussars were in line with the 4th Light Dragoons, and the 11th Hussars were somewhat in advance of our line. 3. I am certain that the entire of the 4th Light Dragoons who were not disabled charged up to the Russian battery. On arriving at the guns the Russians were retreating with them, and had retired some distance with them from their original position. The 4th endeavoured to take possession of the guns. Lieut. Joliffe (now captain retired) was then next to me. I went slightly in advance and attacked the drivers of the gun, while Lieut. Joliffe shot with his revolvers the gunners sitting on the guns. I distinctly saw him do that. I state positively I cut down at least six drivers. 4. While we were so engaged, several scattered parties of Cossacks got to our rear, as did also a regiment of Russian Lancers, which we found formed to our left rear on our return. We were then ordered to form on the I7th Lancers; but we found that the troops we had taken for the 17th Lancers were the Russian Lancers. However, we got back in front of them without being molested by them. On returning to the place we originally started from, I saw (for the first time since we started) the Earl of Cardigan, who must have arrived before us; and he came up in front of us and said, "Men, it is a mad-brained trick; but it is no fault of mine." I heard some of the men, who were naturally then rather excited, say, "Never mind, my Lord, we are ready to go again." Lord Cardigan replied, "No, no, men; you have done enough!" I heard no command given that day by Lord Cardigan while we were engaged; that is to say, from the time we started until our return.

646 Short

Affidavit in Cardigan-Calthorpe, quoted briefly (and critically) in Cardigan's pamphlet: 9. Frederick Short, -- Troop Serjeant-Major 4th Dragoons -- "On returning to the place from which we started, saw Lord Cardigan for the first time. "What right had he to see him before? -- No evidence.

662 STANCLIFFE, Henry William

Letter from Corporal Henry William Stancliffe, 4th Light Dragoons, to his cousin, Mr James Sheard, in Huddersfield.

"Balaklava, Crimea, Mr Dear Cousin, - January 17th, 1855. Your very kind and welcome letter only reached me about three or four days ago. This I attribute to its coming via Southampton instead of France; had it

[188] 188 Letters from the Light Brigade left have come this latter way you might have had my reply long 'ere this. I am exceedingly sorry that I should have occasioned the slightest anxiety to my poor mother, but I cannot get a letter from them. I have written several times, and am totally at a loss to know the reason I receive no reply. I am much afraid my letters have never been received, Until very recently there has been great difficulties in obtaining stamps, paper, &c., and I have found that all letters not properly stamped, that is to say, unless they have three upon them, and sent via France, are sent per sailing vessel or any other merchantman bound for home, and thereby are much delayed and frequently lost. Your letter was 46 days instead of about 14 before I received it. I am, thank God, in most excellent health, and have enjoyed it ever since I have been in the country. I have been in three engagements, and several skirmishes with the Enemy. I was at the battles of Alma, Balaclava, and Inkerman without a scratch. Our brigade lost few men in action except at Balaklava, and there in one short half hour we lost more than one-half; the five regiments comprise the brigade, but all this you have seen in the newspapers. Every person will long remember the charge of the Light Brigade. Our horses are nearly all dead; we have few left, and what we have are almost useless; in fact the Light Brigade is a complete wreck, - we are of no service whatever, and what they intend to do with the few that are left I do not know. I think it will be impossible to make us up here. Report says we are to be relieved by the Light Cavalry now at home. I hope, if please God, such may be the case. The miseries of a camp at this season of the year are intolerable; the ground is covered with snow to the depth of two or three feet, and is likely to be for some time, a very cold wind blowing from the north, and freezing hard. I never experienced anything so cold before. We have been served out with good warm clothing, thank to the people of England, or I do not know how we should have got ours. There is nothing on earth can afford me so much pleasure here as to hear from any of my friends, and I always feel great pleasure in replying when I have an opportunity to do so. I have not heard from my wife for some time. Now I am afraid my letters have not reached her; I wrote to her and mother also about Christmas. I should be very glad if you will please say now whether mother has received my last letter, if not you will relieve her of a world of anxiety by acquainting her of my existence, and how I am. I am corporal, and doing very well, - promotion is rapid, and whether I come home or not, 'ere long I shall be full sergeant, - if I am lucky. I hope you will not fail to give my kind love to all relations and friends, and hope God willing, 'ere long, to be in my native Land. Please to favour me with all the news you can, and I shall feel for ever [rig forever] obligated. I am indeed very anxious to hear from my mother and wife, and Whether they have received my last letters. I am exceedingly obliged for the stamps you sent me. I hope you have had a merrier Christmas than I, and I wish you all a happy new year. I have fallen much short of spice cake and cheese this year. With sentiments of the greatest respect. PS Address for me, 4th Hussars [31%, Light Dragoons] , Crimea, via Marseilles. You will please excuse my not having given you a description of the various actions &c. I am afraid the news will be old, and the scenes of a battle are horrible beyond description. It is truly painful to dwell upon the subject.

680 THOMAS, David

Daniel Deeran, Private B Troop, 4th Hussars, said: While we were charging up to the Battery and within three hundred yards of it we met Lord Cardigan alone retiring to the rear on a chestnut horse. He was cantering back and was on the left of the Fourth Light Dragoons. I know Lord Cardigan well and am quite certain that it was him I saw retiring. David Thomas, Private E troop, 4th Hussars: John Edden, Private A Troop 4th Hussars: John Ford, Private G Troop, 4th Hussars: and James Donoghue, formerly Band Sergeant, 8th Hussars gave similar evidence.

682 THOMAS, David

Affidavit criticised in Cardigan-Calthorpe in Cardigan's pamphlet [transcribed PB April 2016] 7. David Thomas -- "About 300 yards from the guns saw Lord Cardigan returning 'on the left of our Regiment' (the 4th Light Dragoons). Impossible -- could not have passed the left flank, as asserted.

757 THOMAS, David

THOMAS ACCOUNT fr CRIDER alsi in 3rd ed p116also in Dutton 2nd ed. p.88 [64] Source:

Affidavit filed in the Cardigan v Calthorpe lawsuit fr unident press clippings courtesy of Rod Burman

AFFIDAVIT of DAVID THOMAS, a Private in the E. Troop of the 4th Hussars, now stationed at Newbridge in Ireland. Sworn 29th May, 1863. Filed 2nd June. I863. SAY as follows: I. l have had nearly twenty years' service. I remember the Light Cavalry Charge at the Battle of Balaklava on the 25th October, 1854. On that day l was in the right squadron about the centre of the front rank. At starting the 8th Hussars were in line with us. 2. Before we reached the Russian guns, and while we were about 300 yards from them, I saw Lord Cardigan on a chesnut [PB: sic?] horse cantering back to the rear. He was on the left of our regiment, and was alone. I am sure it was Lord Cardigan. 3. I perfectly remember, after we got through the guns, hearing Lord George Paget ask where Lord Cardigan was. and I heard Major Lowe say he had got back. We were then ordered to reform on the 17th. but some one said they were the enemy, and Lord George then gave us an order to retire. 4. When we got back I saw Lord Cardigan in front of us at the original position from which we started, and facing us on horseback. When we came up, he said, "This has been a great blunder, but don't blame me for it." 5. I have often heard the fact of Lord Cardigan's retiring talked of in the regiment, both immediately after the battle and since.

797 THOMAS, David

Extract from "And they blessed Rebecca"by Pat Molloy in Dutton 2nd ed p.88

715 WATKINS,

720 WHITEHEAD, John

See CRIDER p.123 - same as my entry "Brown 4LD, Olley, Grantham, Whitehead, Shepherd, Warr, Monepenny, Briggs, Palim [Palin] , Cullen"

JOHN WHITEHEAD, OPTIMIST. Next came John Whitehead. Nothing less than a shell had killed his horse, but he himself I went through the Charge without a scratch. "Yes, sir, I am a fortunate man, " said he, and I may add that he is an optimist." Oh, yes, my children helps to keep me, and I've got a pension." Then again: "I've had a happy married life, sir, that I have." Of course, he had no words to describe his delight at seeing the Jubilee procession. Then I made the acquaintance of Shepherd, who had been in the 11th Hussars, "I had fourteen wounds, if you'll believe me - fourteen, mind you, " and he minutely described each. Three horses were shot under him, and he was taken prisoner by the Russians. After leaving the service be spent six years on crutches. Then he was employed in the stables of I don't know how many titled persons in Ireland. "Mind you, I was always very independent and very careful. Ah, yes, I know some were taken out of the workhouse and brought to Fleet-street for the Jubilee. But some people are too fond of raising their right hands to their mouth." For forty-one years he had drawn a pension of 8d. a day. "What did you think of yesterday?" "Sir, " slapping his knee, "it was the happiest day I've ever spent. I never felt sol happy in all my life." "Not even when you were in that charge" I asked, remembering what Olley had said. "Rather not! " was the convincing reply. "By the by, what did you think while you were charging? "Thought of nothing'. There was no time. We were told to do it, and we did it. But you should have heard some of them swearing." "You didn't?" "Oh no, " - slightly shocked - "I didn't, but I heard it all the same. And some said 'All together!' 'Now then! ' 'Keep it up!' and so on. But that Jubilee yesterday! It was worth living for, and as I said to Mr. Roberts when. it was over - these were my very words - if I was to die in the morning I should die content and happy. The Queen smiled up at us old chaps, and so did the Princess of Wales and the Duke of Connaught; Lord Wolseley and all the officers acknowledged us; in fact, there's no doubt about it, we had the honours of the day. "These other facts I gleaned: he has married twice. has had sixteen children, and is the youngest survivor of the charge. And then also: "We've never all met together before. Why, there was a man named Warr at the charge, ad he was at Fleet-street yesterday. I hadn't seen him since the Crimea, but I knew him at once. "

721 WHITEHEAD, John

Some of his recollections of the charge were published in an article in Answers Magazine on 26 October 1912: 'We advanced towards the enemy. The 17th Lancers leading, men and horses falling wholesale. About three parts down the valley a shell landed just in front of my horse. When it exploded it caught her fair in the chest and brought her down. I shot over her head for a dozen yards but my poor mare didn't move, being instantly killed. The shots from the Russian guns were so thick that I had to lie down behind my horse for protection. When at last the firing ceased I retired on foot to where the Roll call of the Regiment was being called. I didn't do much in the actual Charge; but thank God, I have never had another such experience. ' [This is also copied in Dutton 2nd ed. p94)

PB: There is a copy of this article in the NAM Archives 2004-03-24

Photocopy of 'Answers' supplement, 26 October 1912 (c) and photocopy of newspaper article, 1913; associated with James Olley and the 8th Hussars, 4th Queens Own Light Dragoons, 13th Light Dragoons, 17th Light Dragoons (Lancers) and 11th (Prince Alberts) Hussars; associated with the Charge of the Light Brigade, Crimean War (1854-1856).

WHITEHEAD-JOHN-4LD-MEDALS-DNW-SEP2009

The quotation above came from the DNW blurb to Lot 1114 date of Auction: 17th - 18th September 2009 Unsold Estimate: £3,500 - £4,500 The Crimean War pair attributed to Private John Whitehead, 4th Light Dragoons, whose horse was killed in the charge at Balaklava Crimea 1854-56, 4 clasps, Alma, Balaklava, Inkermann, Sebastopol (J. Whitehead, 4th Lt. Dragns. ) officially impressed naming; Turkish Crimea 1855, British issue (John Whitehead, 4th Lt. Dragns. ) contained in an old case, the lid inscribed in gold block letters '1289 Pte. John Whitehead, 4th Light Dragoons', light contact marks, otherwise very fine (2) £3500-4500 Footnote John Whitehead enlisted into the 4th Light Dragoons at Dublin aged 20. He served in the Crimea and had his horse shot from under him and killed during the charge at Balaklava. He was discharged at Dublin in March 1871 with five Good Conduct Badges and a 'very good' character assessment. He was an original member of the Balaklava Commemoration Society, signed the Loyal Address to the Queen in 1887, and was in attendance at the Fleet Street offices of Mr T. H. Roberts for the Jubilee celebrations in 1897.

Some of his recollections of the charge were published in an article in Answers Magazine on 26 October 1912: 'We advanced towards the enemy. The 17th Lancers leading, men and horses falling wholesale. About three parts down the valley a shell landed just in front of my horse. When it exploded it caught her fair in the chest and brought her down. I shot over her head for a dozen yards but my poor mare didn't move, being instantly killed. The shots from the Russian guns were so thick that I had to lie down behind my horse for protection. When at last the firing ceased I retired on foot to where the Roll call of the Regiment was being called. I didn't do much in the actual Charge; but thank God, I have never had another such experience. ' Whitehead received a total of £272 from the Roberts Fund. He died on 26 May 1915 and was buried with full military honours in St Michael's Churchyard, Camberley, Surrey. Newsreel film footage of the funeral still survives and was shown on a Timewatch programme in 1994. The Medal roll shows two men by the name of Whitehead in the 4th Light Dragoons with the initial 'J'; Private James (No. 1561) who was entitled to 3 clasps for Alma, Inkermann and Sebastopol; and Private John (No. 1289) who was entitled to 4 clasps as catalogued above. Officially impressed 4-clasp medals to both men are known, both with just an initial 'J'. One sold at Glendining's in June 1991 together with an unnamed Turkish Crimea medal, the pair being sold again in 1998 with an original illuminated T. H. Roberts invitation to Whitehead to attend the 1897 Jubilee Day, together with some other Light Brigade ephemera and original documents pertaining to the recipient's son and grandson. The pair of medals listed above have formed part of a private collection in Blackburn, Lancashire, for over 30 years. Whilst both medals are entirely genuine, one has had an additional clasp for Balaklava added at some point in time. Dix Noonan Webb

767 WHITEHEAD, John

From Crider 3rd ed p.123, from Answers Magazine 26 Oct 1912 p.626, courtesy of Glenn Fisher and Paul Burns.

WHITEHEAD ACCOUNT fr CRIDER

We advanced towards the enemy, the 17th Lancers leading, men and horses falling wholesale. About three parts down the valley a shell landed just in front of my horse. When it exploded it caught her fair in the chest and brought her down. I shot over her head for a dozen yards, but my poor mare didn't move, being instantly killed. The shots from the Russian guns were so thick that I had to lie down behind my horse for protection. When at last the firing ceased I returned on foot to where the roll-call of my regiment was being called. I didn't do much in the actual charge; but, thank God, I never had another such experience. "

722 WHITEHEAD, John

From THE BALACLAVA HEROES /THEIR IMPRESSIONS OF THE JUBILEE/ CHATS ABOUT THEIR CAREERS. London Daily News 25 June 1897. doc "THE BALACLAVA HEROES London Daily News 25 June 1897. doc"Samuel Brown 4LD, James Olley, David Grantham, John Whitehead, Shepherd, Warr, Monepenny, Briggs, Palim [Palin] , William Cullen

JOHN WHITEHEAD, OPTIMIST. Next came John Whitehead. Nothing less than a shell had killed his horse, but he himself went through the Charge without a scratch. "Yes, sir, I am a fortunate man, " said he, and I may add that he is an optimist." Oh, yes, my children helps to keep me, and I've got a pension." Then again: "I've had a happy married life, sir, that I have." Of course, he had no words to describe his delight at seeing the Jubilee procession. Then I made the acquaintance of Shepherd, who had been in the 11th Hussars, "I had fourteen wounds, if you'll believe me - fourteen, mind you, " and he minutely described each. Three horses were shot under him, and he was taken prisoner by the Russians. After leaving the service be spent six years on crutches. Then he was employed in the stables of I don't know how many titled persons in Ireland. "Mind you, I was always very independent and very careful. Ah, yes, I know some were taken out of the workhouse and brought to Fleet-street for the Jubilee. But some people are too fond of raising their right hands to their mouth." For forty-one years he had drawn a pension of 8d. a day. "What did you think of yesterday?" "Sir, " slapping his knee, "it was the happiest day I've ever spent. I never felt sol happy in all my life." "Not even when you were in that charge" I asked, remembering what Olley had said. "Rather not! " was the convincing reply. "By the by, what did you think while you were charging? "Thought of nothing'. There was no time. We were told to do it, and we did it. But you should have heard some of them swearing." "You didn't?" "Oh no, " - slightly shocked - "I didn't, but I heard it all the same. And some said 'All together!' 'Now then! ' 'Keep it up!' and so on. But that Jubilee yesterday! It was worth living for, and as I said to Mr. Roberts when. it was over - these were my very words - if I was to die in the morning I should die content and happy. The Queen smiled up at us old chaps, and so did the Princess of Wales and the Duke of Connaught; Lord Wolseley and all the officers acknowledged us; in fact, there's no doubt about it, we had the honours of the day. "These other facts I gleaned: he has married twice, has had sixteen children, and is the youngest survivor of the charge. And then also: "We've never all met together before. Why, there was a man named Warr at the charge, ad he was at Fleet-street yesterday. I hadn't seen him since the Crimea, but I knew him at once. "

732 WILSDEN, Henry

WILSDEN ACCOUNT fr CRIDER 3rd edn p124-125

CHECK AGAINST COPY IN EJBA 4H file vol 3 - which has facsimile signature

"Just before we reached the Russian guns, my front man's horse was shot and going on three legs. I shouted to him, and as he halted his poor animal fell helpless. He secured another and came on into the thick of it. Just then my left-hand man, named Donaldson, was killed. When we reached the end of the valley we were rallied and were with the 8th Hussars, ordered to form up on the right of the Lancers. 'But', someone shouted, "the enemy are formed up there!' 'Never mind, came the reply, 'cut your way through them!' This we proceeded to do to the best of our ability, but it was a hard task, for both men and beasts were knocked up. My own horse was evidently feeling the effects (and I know I was), so I made up my mind to give up, when I overtook a comrade whose horse had been shot under him, and who was fairly done. I stopped to give him a drink from my bottle, which revived and saved him. Just then Major Hutton, an officer of my regiment, passed me, and I thought as he glanced at us that he was pitying my poor comrade and myself and feeling sorry for us. Instead of that I found that he was mutely appealing for help, as both he and his horse were severely wounded. Somehow or other (I couldn't tell you) we all got back to our lines. "