In 2014, the Manchester Art Gallery online guide to its collection described the painting as follows:
'Balaclava' was a major battle of the Crimean War, fought between British and Russian forces. Thompson's painting represents the aftermath of the infamous Charge of the Light Brigade of 1854, when a misinterpreted order led to heavy British losses: 661 cavalrymen were reduced to 195 in 20 minutes.
The subject became a favourite for painters after Tennyson's poem The Charge of the Light Brigade. This was quoted by Thompson in the catalogue accompanying her work's debut at the Society of Arts.
The central figure was modelled by WH Pennington, an actor who had taken part in the action. Other veterans were also consulted and used as models. Thompson's portrayal of the soldiers was controversial as it focused on the psychological effects of war.
The painting was seen by thousands, at several venues, and was further popularised by large editions of prints. Although it was unusual for a woman to paint war, the artist was praised by the Army for her accuracy.
Also:
"Battle scene at Balaclava, depicting the return of survivors of the charge of the Light Brigade. Soldiers on horseback and on foot make their way up a hill, towards the viewer, in various states of injury, some still carrying standards.
In the foreground, centre, a soldier stands gazing into the distance, an expression of shock on his face, carrying a bloodied sword in his right hand. On the left, mounted survivors and men on foot are gathered together, some of the wounded being helped along. More soldiers make their way up the hill on the right.
To the right of the central figure, a mounted soldier rides forward carrying an injured trumpeter in his arms. The distressed horse of the wounded rider next to him is lead forward by a man on foot. In the right corner, a soldier lies on the ground, badly wounded. Plumes of smoke rise in the distance.
Canvas. Height: 103.4cm. Width: 187.5cm."
[Source: http://www.manchestergalleries.org/the-collections/search-the-collection/display.php?EMUSESSID=d5340de7f7d9195eac3d0ead32e7ae0d&irn=210 (accessed 14.1.2014).]
[PB: I have added some articles - unedited.]
"Fidelity or fiction? Elizabeth Thompson's Balaclava and the art of re-construction."
Rachel Anchor
British Art Journal, Autumn 2011, Vol. 12 Issue 2, p58.
http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Fidelity+or+fiction%3F+Elizabeth+Thompson's+Balaclava+and+the+art+of...-a0272166414
Balaclava (Pl 1) by Elizabeth Thompson (1846-1933), later known as Lady Butler, was painted in 1876 and is now owned by Manchester City Art Gallery. The painting represents soldiers returning from what, thanks to Alfred Tennyson's eponymous poem, has become entrenched in the popular imagination as 'The Charge of the Light Brigade'. It was Thompson's second painting to derive inspiration from the Crimean war (1854-56) after the tremendous acclaim of The Roll Call (PI 3) which had been a huge attraction at the Royal Academy exhibition of 1874 and was eventually purchased by Queen Victoria. (1) Despite Thompson's subsequent paintings, notably Balaclava, reaching similar commercial heights, it is largely The Roll Call that has ensured that military paintings have not been forgotten in survey literature of British 19th-century art. There is currently only one monographic text available on Thompson, providing biographical information and a complete catalogue of works. (2) While some authors have situated Thompson in the context of women artists (3) or sequentially in wider bodies of work on art of the Crimean war (4), none has focused primarily on Balaclava or, indeed, on any of her other works in substantial detail as representations of war and historical events. Drawing on previously unpublished sources, this study offers a detailed analysis of Balaclava, evaluating for the first time its careful construction, which was intended to ensure critical and commercial success, and the interest in Butler's work among wealthy Northern industrialists.
The actions of the Light Brigade during the Battle of Balaclava on 25 October, 1854, rapidly became known as a striking example of military blunder and inept leadership during the Crimean War, as events were gradually reconstructed in the local and national press in Britain. Elizabeth Thompson's choice of subject-matter two decades later is therefore interesting as an historical reconstruction of a notorious event. It raised questions of 'realism' and 'truthfulness', as is evident in contemporary critical reviews. In order fully to appreciate the inspiration for Balaclava, a summary of the morning's action on the plain of Balaclava is useful.
'The Charge of the Light Brigade', although a serious military mistake, was elevated to a plane of courage and sacrifice, rationalizing and obscuring the reckless human cost. In twenty minutes, out of a total of 673 cavalry, 113 were killed outright, 247 badly wounded and 475 horses were killed, leaving a seriously depleted mounted strength that would have been reduced further had it not been for assistance provided by the French. (5) The advance was utterly futile, since the original order from the Commander-in-Chief of the British forces, Lord Raglan, had intended that the Brigade should retrieve British guns being towed away by Russians on the Causeway Heights, action he could clearly observe from his own position, but which was obscured from the Cavalry Division and its commander Lord Lucan. (6) Two factors ensured that this inconsistency had dire consequences: the ambiguity of Raglan's order; and the unco-operative working relationships of the officers involved in relaying the order and receiving it. The decisive order required an immediate attack on an unspecified front and the retrieval of indeterminate guns. It was relayed by Captain Nolan, who harboured a strong dislike for Lord Lucan and refused to elaborate when asked for clarification. Instead, he gestured vaguely towards the North end of the valley where there was a strong presence of Russian artillery, exclaiming that these were the guns and enemy in question. (7) The fraught relationship between Lord Lucan and the Commander of the Light Division, his brother-in-law, the Earl of Cardigan, resulted in an equally unhelpful exchange, with Lucan refusing to deploy the Heavy Brigade. (8) The strategic confusion and antagonism between these various officers led to the ensuing loss of life.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED - which?]
Captain Nolan has assumed particular importance in accounts of the action, since he is reported to have moved out ahead of Cardigan and the Brigade at the start of the advance, waving his sword in what appeared to be an arrogant display and breach of army etiquette, although it was later speculated that he was trying to alter the direction of the men after realizing the nature of their mistake. He was, however, immediately hit by a splintered shell and so his intentions were never known. (9) Nolan was the focus for Thomas Jones Barker's painting The Charger of Captain Nolan Bearing Back his Dead Master to the British Lines (Pl 2), exhibited in 1855 at the Royal Academy. (10) In this early and sentimental representation inspired by the advance of the Light Brigade, based on eye-witness accounts, little can be detected of the gruesome nature of Nolan's injury. The peaceful face and luminous skin depicted contrasts sharply with the frightened horse, and Barker manages to present a noble and edifying image of death. A token canon ball floating around in the foreground belies the torrent of artillery that killed him outright as soon as the advance had begun.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED - which?]
By the end of the action, those who had managed to break through the Russian lines returned in dispersed groups, while a fifth of the Brigade lay dead or seriously injured in the valley. Altogether nearly half the Brigade were dead or injured. The chaotic return is the focus of Balaclava, and the havoc wrought upon individuals is conjured up effectively by Thompson in a composition produced 22 years after the event.
This reconstruction was based on meticulous research, the artist partly drawing upon accounts of veterans who had been present at the event itself and also upon the first extensive history of the Crimean War by Alexander Kinglake. Thompson's autobiography records a visit to Lady Raglan in 1873, where she met Kinglake and discussed the war with him. She read his history several times, but found it so over-burdened with detail that the Balaclava charges were given the impression of lasting hours rather than minutes. (11) This sense of overabundance was qualified by the fact that she really had learned much of value from this history. (12) Kinglake's account was informed by the letters and correspondence of Lord Raglan, presented on his death in 1856 by Lady Raglan, and Kinglake assures the reader that the papers are a clear and faithful record of everything known to Raglan. (13) He emphasises, however, that he does not rely solely on these records and that his information was also obtained from other quarters, yet his ultimate declaration — 'I pass from the tranquil state of one who is absorbing the truth to that of one making it public' (14) — at the end of the preface is untenable. The universality implied by 'the truth' adds authority to Kinglake's account but his is 'a' truth reliant upon his own interpretation of evidence provided largely by high-ranking officials. In addition to factual details and exhaustive substantiation and speculation, infused in Kinglake's account of the advance of the Light Brigade are many instances of pure opinion. The effect of his subjective interpretation is to present the advance as an act of splendour and duty, reinforcing the idealised view of the disaster as it had become fixed in the popular imagination. In a clear instance of bias towards those who commanded the operation, he states that, with the passing of time, people will cease from deploring the errors that mark a battle. (15) The extent to which this bias affected Thompson's Balaclava is an interesting question, although one to which it is not possible to provide a clear-cut answer.
It is, however, possible to identify Kinglake as a basis for the composition. We see varied figures in different states of injury and distress joining equally dishevelled figures and horses already gathered and amassed to the left of the composition. Kinglake tells how, at the time of the Brigade's return, there was a 'sense of havoc' at what had occurred, and that it was upon the slopes looking southward towards Balaclava that the muster took place, while for some time stragglers and riderless chargers continued to arrive at irregular intervals. (16)
The mayhem of war can be detected in the flaying sabres, guns and bodies in the image of the Charge provided in The Illustrated London News a couple of months after the event (PI 4) the crucial difference between this image and Balaclava being that in the magazine image soldiers are shown in the midst of action and presented as a vigorous but impersonal mass of figures. (17) The low viewpoint of the image heightens the sense of the soldiers being on top of one another and the form of the engraved reproduction sharpens the focus. Of course, the scene as it is represented is purely fictitious, since the viewpoint is in and amongst the fighting, but it provided people in Britain with a representation of events relatively quickly after they occurred, at a time when photography was still new and limited in terms of capturing the instantaneous actions of battle. Large box cameras with plate-glass negatives could not be brought too near the fighting, and the shortest exposure time was roughly three seconds, the technique employed by the prominent official photographer in the East, Roger Fenton. (18)
The Manchester-based print-dealing firm Agnew and Sons commissioned Fenton's expedition to the Crimea, no doubt imagining that there would be plenty of interest in a new medium that might be seen as offering an especially accurate record. Three hundred and twelve of Fenton's photographs were exhibited in October 1855 at the Water Colour Society in Pall Mall, where, it has been claimed, a stern 'reality' stood revealed to the spectator. (19) This must be qualified, however. It would not have been clear to the average 19th-century viewer marvelling at the capabilities of photography that Fenton was not only acting for Agnew: he was also present on behalf of Lord Aberdeen's government, which was keen to present a wholesome image of the army and to refute charges of incompetence and neglect that had been levelled towards it by The Times correspondent William Russell. (20) Fenton, with the protection and support of high-ranking officers, was able to present in his photographs a highly selective representation of the war. Death in particular is notably absent from his images, as is any real indication of the atmosphere of widespread destruction and appalling conditions that he himself witnessed. Fenton's initial impression of Balaclava harbour was that it was 'one great pigsty', (21) yet there is little to indicate this in any of his photographs, which consist largely of clean and well-equipped looking soldiers convivially grouped in an unscarred setting.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED - which?]
The photograph illustrated here (P1 5) was taken of survivors of the advance of the Light Brigade a few months after the event. Although the figures are clearly posed, it attempts to capture a relaxed and informal mood. Two men are reclining and many are shown turned away from the viewer. This, combined with the off-centre angle chosen, with numerous tents visible in the background, all contributes to the sense of a natural moment being captured. Thompson too groups the majority of figures to one side of her painting, as is the case in Fenton's image, and cuts off the outermost figures at the edge of the canvas, and so the artist was clearly strives for the (artificially created) impression of spontaneity and 'realism' of Fenton's photography. But Balaclava is ultimately very different in conception. Thornpson's figures are shown in many different poses and are seen emerging from violent conflict, as the artist attempts to individualise the effects of battle.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
In addition to her study of Kinglake and research into the memories of combatants, Thompson employed actual veterans of the battle as her models, and it is possible to identify some of the main figures. Correspondence in the curatorial archives at the Manchester Art Gallery reveals that the mounted figure in the centre-right of Balaclava, holding a wounded trumpeter, is Corporal James Nunnerley of the Seventeenth Lancers, who survived being in the front line of the advance. Thompson's portrayal of him seems to fit with accounts that, once he was clear of the Russians, he returned to the battlefield and helped a seriously wounded trumpeter, although it remains unclear whether he brought him back to safety on an abandoned horse as is shown in the painting. After the Crimean War, Nunnerley stayed on in the army, following a brief spell as a stationmaster, and eventually retired as a Sergeant-Major. (22)
The bearded figure mounted on the left of the composition is Sergeant-Major George Smith of the Eleventh Hussars, who is recorded as posing for Balaclava in William Lummis' record of those involved in the advance. (23) He was described as being strict and smart, and eventually became a Yeoman of the Guard in 1859. This description does seem to fit with Thompson's portrayal: although Smith is shown with a boot missing, the rest of his uniform is relatively intact and unruffled and he remains upright and alert in his seat. He is one of two soldiers who gesture towards the last figure standing, who is positioned slightly off-centre in the foreground as the obvious focal point of the painting.
The soldier can be identified as Private William Pennington: the image provided in Left of Six Hundred (Pl 6) provides a clear visual comparison with Thompson's portrayal of him, and indeed he was also identified in reviews of Balaclava. (24) There is a certain suitability in Pennington's taking this starring role because after the war he became a Shakespearean actor and was Gladstone's favourite tragedian, the statesman praising the originality of Pennington's portrayal of Hamlet. (25) Pennington also published two books; the first detailing his own recollections of the advance of the Light Brigade; and the second presenting an overview of his life. In his own account of the advance, he emphatically denies that a charge was declared and rejects any suggestion that the movement of the Brigade was reckless and wild, instead describing its moving at a steady and disciplined pace. Pennington continues by recording the injury to his leg and the loss of his horse, while referring to an 'indescribable scene of slaughter and destruction'. (26) He was briefly pursued by the Russians but a soldier provided him with a stray horse that enabled him to avoid capture, and he was eventually carried back to safety. (27)
Thompson's portrayal of Pennington differs from this recollection of events, since there seems to be no obvious injury to his leg and his stance contradicts the description of himself on his return to British lines as so weak that he was unable to stand unsupported. (28) Rather, she seems to have been concerned to capture an especially emotive expression on what was (by now) a rather recognisable face. It can be inferred from the photograph of Pennington, and from the information known about Nunnerley and Smith, that Thompson was carefully capturing both the likenesses and traits of her models' characters, while the dramatic impression of action was derived from careful studies of the same models artificially staged. Thompson describes the occasion of a 'tableau vivant' at a society gathering when Pennington was shown in the pose of his dazed role in Balaclava. She was annoyed at Pennington's insistence on wearing his hat which detracted from the vision that she had created of the battered trooper. (29)
Curiously enough, the matter of headgear offers just one of several inconsistencies in the historical records available of the battle, of a kind that might be expected in accounts gathered twenty years after the event. It is not clear whether dress caps were issued, but Thompson included them as a matter of personal preference. (30) A reviewer in Manchester was therefore inaccurate in claiming that Balaclava could stand any amount of criticism in regard to its strict accuracy and that it was impossible not to feel perfect confidence in the truthfulness of the picture. (31) This critic regarded Balaclava as an advance on The Roll Call in its technical qualities, while asserting that the scene on the Causeway Heights had been created with the same marvellous ability in its deployment of verifiable details. (32)
This presumed fidelity to detail is a point on which many contemporary reviews, local and national, were united. The critic of The Sunday Times considered it worth elaborating on the details of uniform which, he claims, had been faithfully adhered to, in order to mark with precision the achievement and bravery of the regiments involved. (33) Even in the rare case of a more derogatory review of Balaclava, in The Illustrated London News, it was conceded that, despite a supposed weakness of conception and composition, Thompson displayed courage in depicting the facts, and that she could not be commended too highly for exposing the real loathsomeness of war. (34) The Manchester City News was equally as forceful on this point, claiming that Thompson's strength lay precisely in the fact that she had rendered the scene with a 'terrible reality'. (35) John Ruskin expressed the view that, despite his misgivings about the publicity surrounding her work and indeed about the ability of a woman to paint, he thought her work profoundly interesting, showing all manner of illustrative and 'realistic' faculty. (P1)
Works of art are, of course, rarely reliable in giving factual information, and when they do, they confirm and add to what is known from other sources, while even those sources may not be entirely reliable, as is the case with Kinglake. Where the question of 'realism' is concerned, however, it is clear that Thompson was intent upon conveying an impression of the brutal realities of war, anticipating the more explicit imagery that emerged in the 20th century. The blood depicted in Balaclava, across the chest of the figure of Pennington and on the tip of his sword, may seem tame to the 21st-century viewer, but there can be no doubt about the artist's intention. There are many figures presented in a dishevelled state, notably the collapsed figure in the far right of the foreground, an obvious reproduction of the similarly prominently displayed reclining soldier in The Roll Call. The soldier in Balaclava is clutching his fist and clasping his chest, signifying physical pain, and his grey pallor suggests he is on the brink of death. Unlike Barker's earlier portrayal of the dead Captain Nolan, this representation of death is not conventionally noble, since the soldier's face is obscured partially from the viewer and his body is seen lying unattended on the ground.
It is with those who have survived that the other figures are concerned, the focus being the figure of Pennington, despite his obliviousness to their attention. And this is perhaps Thompson's most impressive achievement, and one of this compelling composition's most original features. Thompson chooses to make her focus not the physical mutilation of wounds or the imminence of death, but the traumatic effect of bloody conflict upon the mind. Pennington's gaze is fixed upon some appalling inner vision of his experience: the 'indescribable scene of slaughter and destruction' to which he himself referred in his memoirs.
(1) Elizabeth Butler, An Autobiography, London, 1922, p89.
(2) Paul Usherwood and Jenny Spencer-Smith, Lady Butler: Battle Artist 1846-1933, London, 1987.
(3) Lionel Lambourne, Victorian Painting, London, 1999, pp32223.
(4) Matthew Lalumia, Realism and Politics in Victorian Art of the Crimean War, Michigan, 1984, 137-42.
(5) John Sweetman, The Crimean War, Oxford, 2001, p55.
(6) William Pemberton, Battles of the Crimean War, London, 1962, p93.
(7) William Pemberton, Battles of the Crimean War, London, 1962, p94.
(8) Trevor Royle, Crimea, London, 1999, pp275-76.
(9) John Sweetman, The Crimean War, Oxford, 2001, p76.
(10) Algernon Graves, The Royal Academy of Arts: A Complete Dictionary of Contributors and their Work, London, 1905, vol. 1, p114.
(11) Elizabeth Butler, An Autobiography, London, 1922, p92.
(12) Ibid.
(13) Alexander Kinglake, The Invasion of the Crimea: Its Origin and an Account of its Progress Down to the Death of Lord Raglan, Edinburgh and London, 1863, vol1, p18.
(14) Ibid, p24.
(15) Alexander Kinglake, The Invasion of the Crimea: Its Origin and an Account of its Progress Down to the Death of Lord Raglan, Edinburgh and London, 1863, vo. 5, p337.
(16) Ibid, p325.
(17) The Illustrated London News, 23 December, 1854.
(18) Mathew Lalumia, Realism and Politics in Victorian Art of the Crimean War, Michigan, 1984, p115.
(19) Geoffrey Agnew, Agnew's 1817 - 1967, London, 1967, p76.
(20) Mathew Lalumia, Realism and Politics in Victorian Art of the Crimean War, Michigan, 1984, p117.
(21) Geoffrey Agnew, Agnew's 1817-1967, London, 1967, p71.
(22) William Lummis, Honour the Light Brigade, London, 1973, p256.
(23) Ibid, p134.
(24) The Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, 7 February, 1877.
(25) William Lummis, Honour the Light Brigade, London, 1973, p175.
(26) William Pennington, Left of Six Hundred, London, 1887, p13.
(27) Ibid, pp13-17.
(28) Ibid, p17.
(29) Elizabeth Butler, An Autobiography, London, 1922, 123-24.
(30) Ibid, pp110-11.
(31) The Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, 7 February, 1877.
(32) Ibid.
(33) The Sunday Times, 30 April, 1876.
(34) The Illustrated London News, 29 April, 1876.
(35) The Manchester City News, 10 February, 1877.
(36) Krysztof Cieszkowski, 'The Pallas of Pall Mall: The Life and Paintings of Lady Butler', History Today, 32:2 (1982), pp32-33.
Lady Elizabeth Thompson Butler in the 1870s
Matthew Lalumia
Throughout the 19th century, painters who showed their work at the annual London exhibition of the Royal Academy dreamed of obtaining the ultimate distinction guarded jealously by that institution. They aspired to exhibit a picture so popular that a railing would be needed to protect the canvas from crowds of enthusiastic viewers pressing to see it. By the Academy's centenary in 1868, only two paintings had won the honor: David Wilkie's Chelsea Pensioners (1822) and William Powell Frith's Derby Day (1858), works still regarded affectionately in Britain for their colorful, anecdotal treatment of the contemporary scene.
The third picture to gain similar distinction, Calling the Roll after an Engagement, Crimea (1874; Fig. 1) was painted by Elizabeth Thompson (later Lady Butler), then unknown and still in her twenties. The painting's success created such a sensation that the Academy was obliged to station a policeman in front of The Roll Call to hold off the crowd's rush. The furor surrounding the picture delighted some of the 40 Royal Academicians-all men-but left others chagrined.
Elizabeth Thompson began formal art studies as a teenager at London's South Kensington Schools of art and design, where she soon advanced to life drawing and painting from the model. [1] Her talent at drawing was conspicuous, and she won the praise and encouragement of her teachers. She also attended private classes at a studio in Bolswer Street, where students drew from nude female models, such private instruction being the only opportunity for women to draw from the nude in Victorian England. In the late 1860s the artist studied in Florence with the Academician Bellucci. (A Catholic, Elizabeth Thompson Butler exhibited religious subjects in an Italianate style throughout her career; these works accompanied the military paintings for which she is remembered.) Visits to Paris introduced her to the modern French school of painters of whom, predictably, she admired Edouard Detaille and Alphonse de Neuville, both popular battle and history painters. In all cases, Thompson's preparation in art emphasized good drawing. A confident line and a mastery of human and equine anatomy marked her subsequent production.
Although there were no soldiers in her family, Elizabeth Thompson demonstrated early a taste for spirited sketches of cavalry troops, swordsmen, military reviews and the like.
By 1870 she had exhibited a few watercolor paintings of military scenes at the Dudley Gallery, one of the lesser lights of the spring exhibition season in London, and from 1871 to 1873 she submitted paintings to the Royal Academy with little result. 2 Nothing had thus forecast the acclaim to follow.
The Roll Call was accepted in 1874 with applause by the selection committee and hung on the line-that is, at eye level-in Gallery Two, the most enviable location in the Academy. The Prince of Wales toasted the picture and its maker at the RA banquet; its copyright for engravings fetched 1000 guineas; and Queen Victoria purchased the painting for the Royal Collection. The artist won universal praise in both the popular press and the art journals of the day; Ruskin called her an "Amazon, the Pallas of Pall Mall."3 George Augustus Sala, art critic for The Daily Telegraph, wrote that she had "proved herself the valiant compeer even of the most famous and most experienced veterans" of the Royal Academy. [4] And to top off her being young and previously unknown, Elizabeth Thompson had made her mark in an unlikely branch of art for a woman-military painting. She had, in short, defied an array of High Victorian prejudices at one stroke, and won fame in the bargain.
The Roll Call depicts the battalion of the Grenadier Guards mustering up after a winter battle in the Crimean War, the near-catastrophic invasion by England and France of southern Russia in 1854-56. Under the eyes of his colonel on horseback, the regiment's sergeant marks the toll of casualties against survivors. The Guardsmen stand in line, resting and tending their wounds; a soldier to the right of center has collapsed dead in the snow. The picture is a classic example of late 19th-century academic painting: the canvas is large and features many figures assembled in a variety of poses and characterizations; each figure was painted from life according to the traditional canon of anatomy; and verisimilitude is achieved through an almost photographic realism. The forms are modeled carefully in tones of black and grey; the cool palette and highly finished surface do not
[10]
FIG. 1. Elizabeth Thompson Butler, The Roll Call (1874), 36"x 72". Royal Collection.
permit brushwork to intrude upon the work's high premium on drawing; and the painting is rich in pictorial narrative.
All of these factors demonstrated Elizabeth Thompson's conservative training in art, as did the forum in which she sought an audience for the painting, the Royal Academy's annual exhibition.
In conception, however, The Roll Call stood well outside the conservative tradition of depicting national military events and, in this respect, Thompson begins to emerge as a representative in the fine arts of the current of political liberalism then sweeping England. Her painting touched a sympathetic chord in the public heart by summarizing the era's new perception of war and those who bear its brunt.
For the artist eschewed two premises of academic history painting on the grand scale: that fact must yield to artistic license in creating inspirational martial imagery, and that the subject of choice be a single, patriotic, high-ranking personage. Instead, by depicting accurately the common soldier's suffering Thompson achieved a truthful evocation of the Crimean War. There were neither glorious military trappings nor references to the army's commanders. Most striking was the picture's somber mood, as Thompson's emphasis of the Guardsmen's fatigue and wounds reminded The Roll Call's viewers of the physical dangers of battle.
Visitors to the Royal Academy examining the long array of figures encountered men dazed by shock and overcome by sorrow, as well as the wounded and dead. Such characterizations hardly created a splendid scene; indeed, they strike close to our modern comprehension of war.
The realism of Thompson's picture is clear when compared to the great military painting of the previous century, Benjamin West's TheDeath of General Wolfe(1771; National Gallery of Canada). West used a number of artistic devices to cast Wolfe's death in the most heroic light.
Whereas Wolfe actually died abandoned on the field, West surrounded him in the painting with handsomely composed groups of mourners, and the artist posed Wolfe himself in a manner derived from Baroque scenes of the Lamentation, thereby adding a note of Christ-like sacrifice to the general's end. 5West wrote: "Wolfe must not die like a common soldier under a bush. ... To move the mind there should be a spectacle to raise and warm the mind. A mere matter of fact will never produce this effect."6 By the Victorian era, such "mere matter of fact" was more than sufficient to achieve a telling effect: The Roll Call showed the Crimean War for what it was, the most arduous campaign since Waterloo.
Because of its officers' incompetence and the harsh Russian winter, the British Army in 1855 came near to disintegration, losing thousands of men each month from disease alone. The army survived only because of the performance of the rank and file, who, pressing on without warm clothes, shelter and medicines, won battles in spite of inept leaders. Thompson further avoided the fanciful quality of West's picture by designing The Roll Call only after she had interviewed Crimean survivors, some of whom posed for the painting, and after she had read the standard history of the war by Alexander Kinglake. 7] The work was praised in The Art Journal of June 1874 for its "passionless severity of absolute fact, " while the reviewer in The Morning Post wrote: "The great strength of the picture is its truth.
. . . The grim details of death and desolation have not been omitted, there has been no attempt to gloss over stern realities."8 Similarly at odds with the tenets of academic painting was Thompson's choice and arrangement of protagonists.
Apart from the mounted officer at the far left, the picture is centered on the rank and file, who literally dominate the canvas from edge to edge. They are defined here as the principal actors in the battle. And Thompson's horizontal disposition of the figures, punctuated by narrative incidents along the length of the design, replaced the carefully structured pyramidal format that had been the norm for martial paintings for more than 100 years. The Roll Call comprised what might be termed a more democratic design in its expanse of soldiers, all of whom contributed to the work's visual impact.
Thompson followed her first triumph with two more paintings inspired by the Crimean War, both of which retained the anti-heroic realism created in The Roll Call; each was well received by the public and press and engraved for wide distribution.
In April 1876 the artist exhibited (at the Bond Street Gallery of the Fine Art Society) Balaclava (Fig. 2), a painting recounting the aftermath of the Charge of the Light Brigade through Balaclava Valley. The following year, in which she married and became Lady Butler, she unveiled at the Fine Art Society the third work of the series, Inkermann (Fig. 3), as part of a retrospective display of her most popular works.9 In Balaclava Lady Butler plied the disastrous charge-recognized even then as the century'S military fiasco-with healthy doses of the narrative anecdotes and pathos beloved of Victorian audiences. The picture depicts the return of the survivors of the doomed mission as they retreat in disarray to the British positions at the upper end of Balaclava Valley. The artist portrayed the dying remnants of the Light Brigade in a series of vignettes extending across the canvas; the painting is a narrative begging to be "read."All the incidents relating the shock and chaos amid the survivors were scrupulously rendered to the last detail; the expressive portraits of despair and fatigue among men and their animals created a tour-de-force sure to please the public. The artist's choice of moment for the scene - the violence is implied and the soldiers contemplate defeat in its wake-heightens the work's dramatic effect. Even in an age of overly-wrought sensibilities, Balaclava moved its viewers as no other martial painting had. Men and women in the Fine Art Society Gallery reportedly wept in front of the picture. [10]
Inkermann depicts the troops returning to their camp after the morning battle of November 5, 1854. At Inkermann Ridge, the soldiers, fighting without direction from commanders caught off guard by a Russian attack, had repelled the assault after six hours of bitter fighting in the rain and mist. The picture portrays the troops as they stream from over the horizon toward the foreground. The procession includes a variety of wounded soldiers, and the column passes by the corpses of British artillerymen strewn along the road. Here Lady Butler alluded, in subject and Romantic design, to a previous tradition-French depictions of Napoleon's retreat from Russia. Artists Nicolas Touissant Charlet, Denis Auguste Marie Raffet, and Boissard de Boisdenier had all treated that most epic chapter of the Napoleonic era. The fall of a supreme conqueror and the French army's losses to the Russian winter appealed to Romantic painters' taste for drama and horrific imagery. Their scenes of diagonally-disposed columns of figures too numerous to count, men weary from hardship on the march, soldiers dropping from the ranks and carrying the injured, found an echo in Lady Butler's work. Most striking was the coincidence of locale, as the French pictures of Napoleon's retreat from Moscow and
[11]
Inkermann represented the fate of invading armies in Russia in winter. Lady Butler's painting, through correspondence to its French prototypes, thus implied that the Crimean War was Britain's own version of the catastrophe that overtook Bonaparte.
Elizabeth Thompson Butler's three Crimean War paintings departed from the English artist's traditional recording of national history. Contrary to academic doctrine and the need of ambitious countries to couch martial events in glorious terms, the artist defined war as tragedy. But Butler was not a pacifist, 11 and her work did enjoy a wild popular reception. One must turn, then, to the times in which the artist worked to account for her unprecedented achievement. Lady Butler, by consolidating in her paintings a realistic treatment of war with a sympathetic portrayal of the soldiers, represented Liberal England's answer to the preceding generation's vision of military affairs. She was the product of a reformist age in which the public understood the cost of armed adventurism. More important, she launched her career at that moment when the nation acted politically to reform the army by promoting the egalitarian principles to which society as a whole subscribed; new democratic measures reduced the prerogative of the privileged classes to command and rewarded ordinary soldiers with more humane treatment.
The public had new expectations of its army, believing the military must reflect the modern, enlightened era. It followed logically that the public would have new expectations of military art as well.
Since the first Reform Bill of 1832, the British body politic had moved toward a more egalitarian base. New laws extended the franchise to a wider spectrum of citizens and rationalized representation in Parliament according to population density. The Second Reform Bill, solidifying these gains, had become law by 1867. Yet the real wave of political liberalism and the practical reforms in its wake swept through Britain only with the election of the first Gladstone ministry in 1868.
Once in office, the new government undertook a series of measures to satisfy the increasingly strident demands of the middle classes for influence in the nation's affairs. Gladstone and his cabinet began in earnest to open public education and the civil service to the recently enfranchised constituencies. [12] Of significance to this study, Gladstone and his war minister, Edward Cardwell, took on the last bastion of privilege and archaic practice in the British state-the army. The so called Cardwell Reforms swept away customs enshrined in the service for some 200 years. Against virulent conservative opposition centered in the House of Lords, new regulations abolished the system of purchased commissions and promotions, a practice which had limited high military rank to the wealthy and socially elite. Drawn almost entirely from the gentry and aristocracy, officers literally had bought their way into the army, and then up each step of the hierarchy. [13] Cardwell's legislation introduced a merit system open to all, reduced the soldiers' enlistment period, and improved barrack life.
Foremost among the beneficiaries of the Cardwell Reforms were the soldiers of the ranks. First, the new
[12]
FIG. 2. Elizabeth Thompson Butler, Balaclava(1876), 41"x 74". Manchester City Art Gallery.
regulations opened to the most able of them an avenue to higher rank. Equally important were reforms that affected their daily lot. The new regulations introduced six-year terms of active service. Prior to the Gladstone ministry's legislation, British soldiers had enlisted for 21 years or life, whichever was shorter. Other Cardwell measures abolished flogging as punishment and ended the practice of deducting the cost of the soldiers' food from their pay. Privates' wages were raised, and the regulations requiring better barracks and hospital care improved living conditions. The Cardwellian army, in sum, offered the soldiery some reward for enduring the rigors of colonial service or the dangers of war.
There is, then, more to the paintings of Elizabeth Thompson Butler than a reminiscence of a distant campaign. Her pictures appeared in the aftermath of a political debate that had captured the public mind for months. [14]. The works defined in visual terms changing political sentiment about a military that was being reshaped even as Lady Butler painted. The Roll Call and Inkermann focused on the common soldier, recalling his stoical conduct in a war won only by the good performance of the rank and file-a performance which proved the rank and file soldiers worthy of the Cardwell regulations. Balaclava, in turn, ended the issue of privilege in the officer corps. For throughout the debate leading to the Cardwell Reforms, the Charge of the Light Brigade was dredged up time and again.
All the Liberal newspapers, and not a few Conservative journals, cited the catastrophe at Balaclava as an error that would not recur in a new army led by men of ability rather than men of wealth. Reformers recalled that the officer who ordered the charge, the Earl of Lucan, and the officer who led it, the Earl of Cardigan, had each paid more than 30,000 pounds sterling for regimental commands they did not deserve. Elizabeth Thompson Butler's audience - specifically the middle-class High Victorian art consumers - had supported the end of this abuse of privilege by abolishing the purchase system. The artist thus recorded her contemporaries' perception of the useless defeat at Balaclava.
Lady Butler's pictures were also connected to a broader movement of painting in England in the 1870s, the short-lived art of conscience known today as British Social Realism. For in the very decade of her greatest success, there emerged a group of painters who depicted the straits of the chaff of Victorian prosperity, the underclass who did not enjoy the material comforts so cherished by the age and who were often a burden on the consciences of those who did. The Social Realists were largely staff artists of the picture weekly, The Graphic, a journal that emerged with the first Gladstone ministry. Indeed, The Graphic seemed often to offer a pictorial counterpoint to the government's efforts at reform. [15] Wood engravings of the poor, aged, homeless, and imprisoned dotted the pages of the paper as The Graphic sparred with the more sedate imagery of The Illustrated London News.
These same staff artists sometimes turned their sketches into oil paintings, almost all of which featured the victims of British society depicted in a somber, grey-brown tonality. In 1878, for example, Hubert von Herkomer, a Bavarian immigrant, exhibited Eventide, now in the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool [see here]; the picture shows elderly refugees in the Westminster Workhouse for Women heaped onto plank beds or engaged at the compulsory needlework they exchanged for food and lodging. In the same year Frank Holl exhibited Newgate: Committed for Trial [see here], now in the Royal Holloway College, showing the encounter between a ragged mother, her children, and the father who is separated from them by the bars of Newgate Prison. Holl had earlier treated the themes of the dangers of the sailor's life in No Tidings from the Sea (1870) and infant mortality among the rural working class in Her First Born (1876).
The clearest expression of the Social Realist art of the Graphic circle appeared together with The Roll Call at the Royal Academy in 1874 when Luke Fildes offered his Applicants for Admission to a Casual Ward (Royal Holloway College). [16] Based on sketches made in London's East End that had appeared earlier in The Graphic above the caption "Homeless and Hungry," the painting depicts a cast of urban down-and-outs seeking shelter in the workhouse. Fildes appended to the picture a passage from a letter by Dickens warning that there were limits to human patience: "Dumb, wet, silent horrors! Sphinxes set up against the dead wall, and none likely to be at pains of solving them until the general overthrow." Fildes thus addressed-perhaps with a touch of revolution hysteria-a theme certainly familiar to the London Academy visitor and a contemporary political issue as well. For the Liberal cabinet had acted to assist the growing numbers of destitute in the cities with the Local Government Act, an early form of welfare legislation allowing municipal authorities to expand public shelters, increase the dole, and institute public health inspections. By 1875 Parliament had empowered local authorities to prohibit the construction of unsanitary dwellings and to bring existing buildings up to code. Britain's largest cities began great slum-clearance programs, leveling 40 to 50 acres of condemned firetraps at a time.
17
Fildes' Casual Ward was second in success only to The Roll Call at the Academy exhibition of 1874. Critics and public alike could not fail to note the evident similarities in their horizontally-oriented designs, expressive figures, and subdued palettes. Moreover, they were praised for their mutual qualities of truthfulness and sobriety in dealing with the harshest side of life. The Art Journal reviewer lauded The Roll Call's "reserve and silence proper to reality, " and went on to identify The Casual Ward as "the most notable piece of realism we have met for a very long time." [8] The author of an article in The Illustrated London News grouped the pictures together. Of The Roll Call the reviewer wrote: "By force of imaginative sympathy the terrible havoc of war is realized with a vraisemblance that could only be expected from an eye-witness; . . . it borders on hardness in its completeness, and is almost too painful, " and of The Casual Ward: it is "essentially true in its elements... . All honor to the artist for his courage in dealing, undeterred by its repulsiveness, with a subject in the sad moral of which we are all more or less deeply implicated." [9] Such joint reviews were not uncommon. Tom Taylor, art critic of The Times, trumpeted the pair as the pictures of the year. [20] The Victorian art-viewing public was quick to perceive the affinities between The Roll Call and The Casual Ward.
With some knowledge of the reformist spirit of Gladstone's premiership in the air, it is easy to understand how both pictures, the realistic battle painting and the scene of urban poverty, appealed to the humanitarian impulses in England during the 1870s. Both addressed social inequities in the process of being righted by government political action.
Fildes was the first painter of the day to make a case in art for the victims of urban destitution. Elizabeth Thompson Butler made an equally serious study of another mistreated element of British society, the army's common soldiers. She placed them in a setting certain to elicit a sympathetic response from Victorian viewers: the Crimea, where the soldiers had suffered most and performed best. Like the aged or homeless or imprisoned, the soldier had endured an unkind fate. Lady Butler's contemporaries, as an expression of egalitarian idealism, had altered the constitution of Britain's army. She, in turn, pleaded the cause for the body of the army that had at last won some rewards in the
FIG. 3. Elizabeth Thompson Butler, Inkermann (1877), 41"x 74". Ferens Art Gallery, Kingston-upon-Hull.
[14]
Cardwell Reforms. Thus the objects of social and political redress in the early 1870s had become subjects for pictures at the Royal Academy.
Elizabeth Thompson Butler was nominated to membership in the Royal Academy in 1879, the only woman of the century to gain that distinction. After a series of ballots, she did not win election to the Academicians' ranks; she lost first to Luke Fildes, and then to Hubert von Herkomer by a vote of 27 to 25. The liberal impulse of the 1870s fell just short of sweeping a woman into the most exclusive all-male club in England. *
1. The year of Elizabeth Thompson's birth was variously reported as 1844, 1846, and 1851. She was the product of a wealthy and artistic family, spending much of her youth in Italy in the company of her mother, an accomplished watercolorist, and her sister, poet Alice Thompson Meynell. In 1877 she married Sir William Butler, a professional soldier, and thus took the title Lady Butler. Late in life she recounted her career in Elizabeth T. Butler, An Autobiography (London: Constable, 1922).
2. A first picture was rejected by the jury, another rejected and returned with a tear in the canvas, a third was "skied" to the inconspicuous upper reaches of the exhibition gallery.
3. John Ruskin, Notes on Some of the Principal Pictures Exhibited in . ..
the Royal Academy (Kent, Eng.: G. Allen, 1875), 56.
4. Cited in Wilfred Meynell, "The Life and Work of Lady Butler, "The Art Annual (1898), 7.
5. West openly acknowledged his debt to Van Dyck's Pietd, now in Munich, in designing his picture. For an analysis of West's painting in light of contemporary academic doctrine, see Charles Mitchell, "Benjamin West's' Death of General Wolfe' and the Popular History Piece", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 7 (1944), 20-33.
6. Quoted in James Grieg, ed., The Farington Diary, 4 (London: Hutchinson, 1922-1928), 151.
7. Thompson claimed to have "read and re-read" Kinglake's study. She spent the summer of 1873 sketching and interviewing the Crimean veterans; Butler, An Autobiography, 101-3, 115.
8. The Art Journal (June 1874), 163; the Post review cited in Descriptions of and Opinions of the Press on Miss E. Thompson's. . . Battle Pieces (London: Fine Art Society, 1877), 8-9.
9. The artist's inclination to exhibit her pictures at a commercial gallery rather than at the Royal Academy created a certain degree of hard feeling on the part of the Academicians who would eventually be asked to offer her membership in their ranks.
10. Butler, An Autobiography, 152.
11. She painted colorful accounts of her husband's military exploits in colonial wars and the couple's sons fought in France in 1914.
12. The so-called Great Reformist Ministry established free, secular education in a system of public instruction that trebled the number of children attending school; the refrain "we must educate our future rulers" spelled the end to the system in which only the wealthy could prepare for the professions and official posts. The Gladstone Cabinet next opened all branches of the civil service except the Foreign Office and the diplomatic corps to entrance by competitive examination.
Qualified persons thus took up careers in the government with less regard than before to patronage and family connection. The aristocracy and gentry no longer claimed plum positions in the civil service as a matter of course. See John Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, 2 (New York and London: Macmillan, 1903), 298-315, 359-65, and Erich Eyck, Gladstone (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1938), 193-211.
13. The practice reached the point where the colonel of a prestigious cavalry regiment would have spent 14,000 pounds or more to reach the top. (The average working class family at the time lived on 50 pounds a year.) As many as seven in ten of the army's generals were aristocrats, and an even greater percentage of the officer corps at large stemmed from the gentry or better. See Gwyn Harries-Jenkins, The Army in Victorian Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977), 63-4, and Phillip Razzell, "Social Origins of Officers in the Indian and British Home Army: 1758-1962, British Journal of Sociology, 14 (1963), 253.
- Harries-Jenkins ?
- There is a copy of Razell's essay in the archive.
14. Opposition to the reforms by the House of Lords created much ill will split along class lines. The Times report of July 19, 1871, 9, read: "The Lords . . . have voted as they are too often wont to vote, for the maintenance of a class privilege against a free public career.... The question was whether the army should be placed in the hands of the nation? The Peers have said 'No, ' because they do not trust the nation.
The nation will say 'Yes, ' because it is determined to trust to none but itself." 15. The Graphic published its first issue in July 1869. Its stark wood engravings were an inspiration to the young Vincent van Gogh.
16. Born in Liverpool, Luke Fildes, like Elizabeth Thompson, had studied at the South Kensington Schools. Besides his work for The Graphic, he had illustrated Dickens's last novel, Edwin Drood. After his initial success with The Casual Ward he turned to crowd-pleasers of another sort colorful Venetian landscapes and portraits of the fashionable set. In his later years he became the prosperous portraitist to Kings Edward VII and George V. See Christopher Wood, Dictionary of Victorian Painters (Suffolk, Eng.: Baron, 1978), 153-54.
17. For the Local Government Act, the Public Health Act, and the Artizans' and Labourers' Dwellings Improvement Act, see Pauline Gregg, A Social and Economic History of Britain 1760-1960 (London: Harrap, 1962), 475-79.
18. The Art Journal, June 1874, 164; review continued in July, 201.
19. The Illustrated London News, May 9, 1874, 446.
20. The Times, May 26, 1874, 6.
MATTHEW LALUMIA, Assistant Professor of Art History, Trinity College, Hartford, began his research into Victorian painting and its relation to contemporary events while Visiting Fellow at London's Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art.
[Lady Elizabeth Thompson Butler in the 1870s Author(s): Matthew Lalumia Source: Woman's Art Journal, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Spring - Summer, 1983), pp. 9-14 Published by: Woman's Art Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1358095]
[PB]
Works by
Letters from the Holy Land (London: A & C Black, 1903).
From Sketch-book and Diary (London: A & C Black, 1909)
An Autobiography (London: Constable & Co., Ltd., 1923).
Autobiography (Sevenoaks: Fisher Press, 1993). ISBN 1-874037-08-6
Works about
Fillimore, Francis.-- "Britain's Battle Painter: Lady Butler and Her Art".-- New England Home Magazine.-- Vol. XII, No. 13, September 1900, pp. 579-587 (also published in Windsor Magazine.-- Vol. XI, December 1899-May 1900, pp. 643-652)
Gladwell, Malcolm. (2016). "The Lady Vanishes".-- Episode 1, Season 1, Revisionist History Podcast. http://revisionisthistory.com/episodes/01-the-lady-vanishes
Gormanston, Eileen. (1953).-- A Little Kept.-- New York: Sheed and Ward
Harrington, Peter. (1993).-- British Artists and War: The Face of Battle in Paintings and Prints, 1700-1914.-- London: Greenhill.-- ISBN 1-85367-157-6
Lalumia, Matthew Paul.-- "Lady Elizabeth Thompson Butler in the 1870s".-- Woman's Art Journal.-- Vol. 4, No. 1, Spring-Summer 1983, pp. 9-14
Lee, Michael.-- "A Centenary of Military Painting".-- Army Quarterly.-- October 1967
Meynell, Wilfrid. (1898).-- The Life and Work of Lady Butler.-- London: The Art Annual
O'Byrne, M. K.-- "Lady Butler".-- Irish Monthly.-- December 1950
Usherwood, Paul.-- "Elizabeth Thompson Butler: a case of tokenism."-- Woman's Art Journal.-- Vol. 11, Fall-Winter 1990-91, 14-15
Usherwood, Paul, and Jenny Spencer-Smith, (1987).-- Lady Butler, Battle Artist, 1846-1933.-- Gloucester: Sutton.-- ISBN 0-86299-355-5
Walker, J. Crompton. (1927).-- Irish Life & Landscape.-- Dublin: Talbot Press
Irish Arts Review.-- "The Royal Scottish Academy Exhibitors 1826-1990".-- Volume 4 Number 4: Winter 1987. (Calne 1991)
Chapter 3, The Victorian Artist by Julie Codell, 2012, Cambridge UP.
Chapter 5, Masculinities in Victorian Painting by Joseph Kestner, 1995, Scolar Press.
References
"Butler (Elizabeth), Lady". Who's Who. Vol. 59. 1907. p. 264.
Usherwood, Paul, and Jenny Spencer-Smith, (1987), Lady Butler, Battle Artist, 1846-1933.-- Gloucester: Sutton.-- ISBN 0-86299-355-5 [There is a cpy i the EJBA]
Elizabeth Thompson (Lady Butler) Archived 9 December 2004 at the Wayback Machine.-- Spartacus Educational Schoolnet.-- Retrieved: 2005-05-01
Obituary: The Times. 3 October 1933.
Nichols, K. L. "Women's Art at the World's Columbian Fair & Exposition, Chicago 1893". Retrieved 26 July 2018.
"Lady Elizabeth Southerden Butler RI (1846-1933)".
External links
Books by Elizabeth Butler at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Elizabeth Thompson at Internet Archive
Excerpt on Thompson's career from 'The Britain that Women Made', a BBC documentary by Amanda Vickery [BBC, 6 mins].
Jo Devereux, The Making of Women Artists in Victorian England: The Education and Careers of Six Professionals, (McFarland & Co, 2016)